Following up her preceding letter, Martin continues to recount her life in Germany between 1933 and 1945.
Flöha, am 23. 2. 72
Lieber Herr Levi!
Jetzt bin ich fertig mit dem, was eine ErklÀrung sein soll. Ich habe Ihre Geduld lange auf die Probe gestellt, aber bedenken Sie: Ich bin weder ein Dichter noch ein Philosoph und habe noch nie in meinem Leben solch einen langen Brief geschrieben.
2 Fragen allerdings beschĂ€ftigen mich noch: 1. Warum tötete Hitler alle Juden? Es war doch ganz sinnlos. Es gibt bei uns eine sehr gute ErklĂ€rung dafĂŒr, aber sie befriedigt mich nicht ganz
2. Warum verfolgt man die Juden seit 2000 Jahren? Falls Sie eine Antwort auf meine Fragen wissen, teilen Sie sie mir bitte mit, wenn Sie einmal Zeit dazu haben. Es kann ruhig 10 Jahre dauern bis dahin.
Ich wĂŒnsche Ihnen und Ihren Lieben weiterhin das Beste und grĂŒĂe sie herzlich
Renate Martin
10. 2. 72[1]
1933-1939
Hitler kam zur Macht, und ich verfolgte aufmerksam, was geschah.
Zuerst wurden alle Kommunisten verhaftet und âumerzogenâ. Nach 8 Wochen kamen die meisten von ihnen wieder und sagten Kein Wort mehr gegen Hitler, jedenfalls nicht zu mir.
Dann beseitigte er tatsĂ€chlich die Arbeitslosigkeit. Er baute groĂe Autobahnen und kurbelte die Wirtschaft an, und alle Herzen flogen ihm zu (so schien es mir). Alle waren erleichtert, alle dankbar, alle begeistert. Ja, ein junger Kommunist, der immer die rote Fahne getragen hatte, wollte sogar in die Nazipartei eintreten, hörte ich.
Ich sagte zu mir selbst: âDas muĂ doch etwas Gutes sein!â und trat freiwillig in die Hitlerjugend ein, kurz bevor es Pflicht wurde. Das war 1934.[2]
Wie aber war es meinem Vater ergangen?
Kurz nach der MachtergreifungdurchHitlerhatte man zu ihm gesagt: âSie sind Lehrer? Das ist ein politischer Beruf. Sie mĂŒssen in die NSDAP eintreten. Sonst kann es sein, Sie fliegen raus!â Mein Vater rannte mit rotem Kopf in der Stube hin und her. Zuletzt siegte die Angst. Er trat in die Partei ein. (Es gab jetzt nur noch die eine). Und natĂŒrlich bereute er es sogleich; denn nun gab es keine Ruhe mehr fĂŒr ihn. Versammlungen, Reden, Funktionen, marschieren und das Gebell der FĂŒhrer waren ihm ein Greuel. Aber das ging nicht allen so. Manche entdeckten ihre eigenen FĂŒhrereigenschaften und bellten bald eifrig mit.
Ich sah das alles, und ich dachte: âEs ist nicht alles schön, aber das Gute ĂŒberwiegt. Alle haben Arbeit, alle sind fröhlich, und endlich herrscht wieder Ordnung.â â Und Hitler und seine Leute hatten wirklich Ideen. Es gab eine Winterhilfe fĂŒr Arme und Kinderreiche. Es gab billige Ferienfahrten bis nach Norwegen und Italien. Und immer war von âVolksgemeinschaftâ[3] die Rede. Die Arbeiter wurden so geachtet wie die Fabrikbesitzer. Und das gefiel mir. Es hĂ€tte mir allerdings noch besser gefallen, wenn er die Fabrikbesitzer abgeschafft hĂ€tte. Aber ich dachte: Der Mensch kann nicht alles nach Wunsch haben und war fast zufrieden. Auch auĂenpolitisch stĂ€rkte Hitler unser SelbstgefĂŒhl. Er fĂŒhrte die Wehrpflicht wieder ein und erklĂ€rte den Versailler Vertrag und die Kriegsschulden fĂŒr ungĂŒltig. Das Ausland schwieg dazu. Und so holte er auch noch Ăsterreich und das Sudetenland âheimâ. Und wir freuten uns darĂŒber. Als er freilich die Tschechoslowakei besetzte, wurde ich stutzig; denn ich dachte: Wieso denn das? Die wollen doch bestimmt nicht bei uns sein! Aber sicher gab es dafĂŒr eine âstichhaltigeâ ErklĂ€rung. Ich habe sie vergessen.
1934 schickte mich mein Vater auf die Höhere Schule nach Chemnitz; denn er sagte: âWas du Lernst, kann dir keiner nehmen!â
Und ich lernte viel, und das meiste vergaĂ ich wieder, aber einiges weiĂ ich bis heute: Die Kinder der reichen Leute waren geistig recht mittelmĂ€Ăig, und ich fragte meine Mutter: âDie Kinder der Fabrikbesitzer sind so dumm. Also sind die Fabrikbesitzer auch dumm. Wie aber Leiten sie dann ihre Fabriken?â Meine Mutter sagte: âDazu haben sie ihre Prokuristen.â
Wir hatten 2 JĂŒdinnen in unserer Klasse. Die eine war sehr dunkel und echt, die andere war blond. Die dunkle war gutartig und immer vergnĂŒgt, und sie gefiel mir sehr. Die andere war manchmal bös, schlug, biĂ und kratzte. Beide waren in der Klasse beliebt und wurden von den Lehrern nicht benachteiligt. Aber die Judenhetze lief schon. Redner und Zeitungen sagten: âGuckt euch die Juden an! Sie sind fremd in unserem Volke aber sie haben die gröĂten GeschĂ€fte. Sie sind Juristen und Ărzte. Sie besetzen alle wichtigen Positionen. Sie wollen ĂŒberall regieren. Rothschild bezahlt alles. Sie wollen die ganze Welt beherrschen, und wir sollen ihre Sklaven sein. (Ich glaube, so Ă€hnlich war es). Guckt nach RuĂland! Stalin hat eine JĂŒdin zur Frau. Der Stern der Kommunisten ist der Judenstern. Sie herrschen heimlich im Kreml. Sie herrschen in Amerika und England, usw., usw.
Sie sagten das immer wieder und sparten auch nicht mit Greueln, die die Juden aus GlaubensgrĂŒnden begangen haben sollten. Die Juden wurden immer wieder als feige, betrĂŒgerisch und habgierig hingestellt. Unentwegt wurden wir aus Zeitungen, Reden, Filmen, Schulen damit berieselt.
Zuerst glaubten wir es wohl nicht, aber nach und nach wurden wir weich. Die meisten von uns kannten gar keine Juden. Diese wohnten meist in den GroĂstĂ€dten und Lebten abgesondert von den anderen. Viele von uns konnten darum den LĂŒgen gar keine eigene bessere Erfahrung entgegensetzen, und die eigene Vernunft reichte nicht aus, weil die humanistische Erziehung fehlte. Im Gegenteil, wenn in alten MĂ€rchen ein Jude vorkam, erschien er bestimmt als Wucherer. Die Vorurteile der Vergangenheit bestĂ€tigten die LĂŒgen der Gegenwart, und was zwischendrin gerecht und gut geschrieben worden war, bekamen wir nicht zu lesen. Ich erinnere mich, daĂ ich jedesmal an Maria Warschauer dachte, wenn ich etwas schlechtes ĂŒber die Juden hörte. (Das war die dunkle JĂŒdin in meiner Klasse). Und jedesmal zweifelte ich; denn eine JĂŒdin war gut, und sicher waren es noch mehr. Aber der âFĂŒhrerâ konnte nicht in solch einer wichtigen Sache LĂŒgen. Er hatte so viel fĂŒr uns getan. Er konnte sich höchstens irren. Aber konnte der Halbgott irren? Ich hatte schlieĂlich eine rettende Idee: âDie Juden waren als Kinder noch gut. Sie wurden erst spĂ€ter schlechtâ. Allerdings, so sicher erschien mir die Theorie nicht. Wir hielten die Juden möglicherweise fĂŒr gefĂ€hrlich, vielleicht fĂŒr etwas minderwertig, aber wir haĂten sie nicht, und wir hatten auch nicht das BedĂŒrfnis, sie zu vernichten.
Als die jĂŒdischen LĂ€den boykottiert werden sollten, kauften viele weiter bei den Juden. Ich erinnere mich, wie mein Vater zu meiner Mutter sagte: âDu kannst nicht mehr bei Juden kaufen. Es ist den Parteigenossen verboten.â Meine Mutter antwortete garnichts. Aber zu mir sagte sie: âWas der Vati nicht weiĂ, macht inn nicht heiĂ.â Sie lachte und kaufte, wo sie wollte. Sie war mehr fĂŒr die Praxis als fĂŒr die Philosophie.
1938 kam ich frĂŒh zur Schule. In der Klasse herrschte Aufregung. Die Synagoge war zerstört worden, auch die Schaufenster der jĂŒdischen GeschĂ€fte waren zerschlagen. Das wĂŒtende Volk sollte es gewesen sein. Aber wir waren nicht wĂŒtend. Ich glaube, wir waren nicht fĂŒr solche Barbarei. â Die beiden JĂŒdinnen fehlten. Man erzĂ€hlte, sie seien nach Amerika ausgewandert. Ich hielt das fĂŒr vernĂŒnftig und fĂŒhlte mich irgendwie erleichtert. Hoffentlich stimmte es!
Bald darauf kam eine HalbjĂŒdin in unsere Klasse aus Berlin. Sie war sehr freundlich, hilfsbereit und klug. Sie setzte sich neben mich, und wir gingen in der Pause miteinander. Leider erzĂ€hlte sie nie etwas ĂŒber ihre VerhĂ€ltnisse, und mir kam gar nicht die Idee, daĂ es ihr schlecht gehen könnte. Alle waren gut zu ihr. Eines Tages rief uns unser Lehrer zusammen ohne meine Nachbarin und sagte zu uns: âEs ist unwĂŒrdig, daĂ ein deutsches MĂ€dchen neben einer HalbjĂŒdin sitzt, und ihr könnt auch nicht mehr in der Pause mit ihr gehen oder sonst mit ihr sprechen!â Dieser Lehrer war ein guter Mensch. Wir wuĂten nicht, was er dachte. Möglicherweise glaubte er, was er sagte. (Er wurde bald darauf eingezogen und fiel). Es war uns wohl allen sehr peinlich; denn wir wuĂten gar nicht, wie wir Anita so einfach ignorieren sollten, aber wir sagten kein Wort. Wir waren gewöhnt zu schweigen und zu gehorchen. Anita wurde von mir weggesetzt. Wahrscheinlich sprachen wir noch mit ihr; denn das sah der Lehrer ja nicht, und bald darauf war sie von unserer Schule verschwunden. â Mir war all das peinlich, mir tat Anita leid, aber ich kam nicht auf die Idee, mich zu entschuldigen oder ihr meine Hilfe anzubieten. Ja, ich kam nicht einmal auf die Idee, daĂ sie Hilfe nötig haben könnte. Ich war ein dummes unerfahrenes Ding und durch Hitler total verblödet. Hitler schrie immer: âIhr mĂŒĂt hart sein!â Und wir wurden hart, gegen uns selbst und gegen andere. Die HĂ€rtegrade waren allerdings verschieden.
AbschlieĂend möchte ich sagen: Ich weiĂ nicht, was jeder einzelne ĂŒber die Judenfrage gedacht hat. Manche mögen fanatisch gewesen sein. Vielleicht haĂten sie die Juden und wollten sie vernichten. Andere wuĂten Bescheid. Sie waren Kommunisten, Christen, Humanisten, oder sie kannten die Juden persönlich. Aber sie schwiegen oder waren eingesperrt. Der Rest war ratlos oder gleichgĂŒltig und wuĂte nicht, was gespielt wurde. Der Rest sah, daĂ die Juden aus ihren guten Stellungen gedrĂ€ngt wurden und dachte, die Juden wĂŒrden nun durch andere Arbeit ihr Brot verdienen. An KZ dachte niemand. Die KZ-s waren eine Erfindung der EnglĂ€nder. Die Deutschen waren vielleicht streng, aber gerecht und niemals grausam.
Was wir sonst zur Rassenfrage dachten? Wir sprachen privat kaum darĂŒber. Meine Mutter sah aus wie eine Georgierin, ich wie eine JĂŒdin. Mein Vater konnte notfalls als Germane gelten. Wir sahen selbst, daĂ wir Deutschen, besonders wir in Sachsen eine tolle Mischrasse waren.
Da ich nicht nordisch aussah, hatte ich auch keine nordischen FĂŒhrereigenschaften. Auch bellen konnte ich nicht, und das tat mir schrecklich leid. Mein Vertrauen zu Hitler war unglaublich. Wenn er etwas befahl, was mir nicht gefiel, suchte ich stets die Schuld bei mir. Sicher ging das auch anderen jungen Menschen so. Wir waren alle mehr oder weniger auf Vordermann gedrillt. Die Ă€lteren Leute waren kritischer. Aber tun konnte keiner was gegen Hitlers Regime. DafĂŒr sorgten die SA, die SS, die Partei und vor allem der Geheimdienst. Alles war bis ins Kleinste organisiert.
1939-1945
Wir kamen in den ersten 6 Jahren der Hitlerzeit nicht zur Ruhe. Ein Befehl jagte den anderen. Die Jugend hatte 2 mal in der Woche Dienst, ebenso die Ălteren abends. Marschieren, Singen, Körpererziehung, Versammlungen, Reden â alles in Uniform. Der Geist wurde nicht so sehr gepflegt.
AuĂenpolitisch war es dasselbe: Ein Ereignis jagte das andere. Oft dachten wie, es kĂ€me Krieg, aber immer wieder ging die Gefahr vorĂŒber, bis es schlieĂlich zur Explosion kam.
Wir begannen unsere Schulden zu bezahlen. Aber das verstanden wir noch lange nicht. NatĂŒrlich waren die anderen an allem schuld. Das kleine Polen hatte erst die Deutschen in Bromberg massakriert[4] und dann auf uns geschossen. Es stand in der Zeitung, und ein Mann in unserem Haus hatte es selbst gehört. Warum sollte ich es nicht glauben? Dann kam Frankreich und dar Balkan, und schlieĂlich marschierten wir fast bis Moskau. Und immer waren die anderen schuld. Sie waren komischerweise alle gegen uns. Und das war das Werk des Weltjudentums.
Und dann kam der RĂŒckmarsch. Ich glaube unsere Soldaten kĂ€mpften sehr tapfer. Denn sie hatten groĂe Angst vor den Russen. Die sollten furchtbar grausam sein. Sie wĂŒrden alle Frauen und Kinder töten, wenn sie nach Deutschland kĂ€men. Die Presse sparte nicht mit Greueln. â Unser Volk arbeitete, kĂ€mpfte und starb.
Wir dachten, wir mĂŒĂten kĂ€mpfen, Wir taten, was notwendig schien, aber HaĂ empfanden wir kaum. Ich glaube, unser Volk ist nicht sehr leidenschaftlich.
1942 machte ich das Abitur und sollte Lehrerin werden, aber ich verzichtete Lieber; denn 1. fehlten mir die nordischen FĂŒhrereigenschaften, und 2. wollte ich nicht in die Partei eintreten.
1943 arbeitete ich in einem Benzinwerk bei Leipzig. Dort waren 30 Völkerschaften versammelt. Eines Morgens sah ich eine Slowakin zur Arbeit gehen mit Kopftuch, weitem Rock und Holzpantoffeln. Es lag Schnee (â 2°), und sie hatte die Arme in die SchĂŒrze gewickelt. Aber sie trug keine StrĂŒmpfe. Sie war ziemlich krĂ€ftig, und ich dachte: âWas fĂŒr starke Menschen in der Slowakei wohnen! Sie tragen nicht mal im Winter StrĂŒmpfe!â Mir kam gar nicht die Idee, daĂ sie vielleicht keine hatte.
Dann sah ich Russen in Wattejacken an den Abfallhaufen stehen und wunderte mich, daĂ sie nach EĂbarem suchten; denn sie hatten runde Gesichter.
Morgens, wenn wir zum Werk fuhren, ĂŒberholten wir mit dem Bus eine Kolonne Strafgefangene in schwarzen Jacken und Hosen mit goldenen Streifen und in Holzschuhen. Und wir dachten: âDas sind Verbrecher.â Wer weiĂ, wer sie wirklich waren!
Um diese Zeit hörte ich auch im Radio, daĂ 18 Juden erschossen worden seien. Ich war entsetzt. Aber schon kam die ErklĂ€rung: âSie hatten die ss angegriffen.â
Ich beobachtete alles, aber ich zog stets falsche SchlĂŒsse, weil ich von falschen Ideen ausging. Nur mein Onkel war aufgeklĂ€rt, derselbe, der Hitler gewĂ€hlt hatte. Er hörte Moskau und London im Radio. Und eines Tages sagte er zu mir: âDer Hitler ist ein groĂer Verbrecher. Er baut groĂe KZ s. Da sperrt er alle hinein, die gegen ihn sind!â ich wurde wĂŒtend und sagte: âDu hörst Feindsender. NatĂŒrlich machen die uns schlecht, und du glaubst den Unsinn!â Einen Augenblick durchzuckte mich der Gedanke: Er ist ein Volksfeind, man mĂŒĂte ihn anzeigen! Aber dann sagte ich zu ihm: âRed nicht so laut auf der StraĂe!â â Von den Juden im KZ wuĂte auch er nichts (1941).
1943 – 45 arbeitete ich in einem Motorenwerk im Erzgebirge als technische Zeichnerin. Wir hatten einen wunderbaren Chef. Er war 48 Jahre alt und unser bester Kamerad. AuĂerdem war er sehr tĂŒchtig und weit in Deutschland herumgekommen. Er unterhielt sich oft mit uns und ebenso mit den beiden Franzosen, die bei uns arbeiteten. Er war seit 1937 in der Partei und besaĂ eine Auszeichnung, die er fĂŒr 2 Tage trug. Anstandshalber.
Eines Tages kam er an mein ReiĂbrett, und irgendwie kam die Rede auf die Judenfrage. Er sagte: âWas halten Sie davon?â Ich zuckte mit den Achseln. Er fuhr fort: âIn Krefeld gab es frĂŒher 2 Seidenfabriken, eine deutsche und eine jĂŒdische. Die jĂŒdische arbeitete besser als die deutsche.â Ich starrte ihn entsetzt an und rief: âSie wollen doch nicht etwa sagenâŠ?â Jetzt zuckte er mit den Achseln, lĂ€chelte und ging davon und ĂŒberlieĂ mich meinen Betrachtungen.
Das war schon 1944. Es ging schnell bergab mit uns, und ich war nicht mehr so zum philosophieren aufgelegt.
Etwas spĂ€ter fragte er mich: âWaren Sie im Aluminiumbau?â â âNeinâ, antwortete ich, âich habe dort gar nichts zu suchen.â â âSie sollten mal dorthin gehen. Es sind JĂŒdinnen angekommen. Sie sehen nicht gut aus.â Ich glaubte, mein Chef sei ĂŒbergeschnappt. Ich sollte
Menschen angaffen wie wilde Tiere? Ich dachte: âMögen die JĂŒdinnen verbrochen haben, was sie wollen, aber das kann ich ihnen nicht antun.â Ich war zum 1. Male zornig auf meinen Chef und blieb weiterhin dumm. Ich möchte fast sagen: â GlĂŒcklicherweise!â
SpĂ€ter hörte ich, daĂ nicht alle in Deutschland so wenig ĂŒber die Juden wuĂten wie ich. Die Kommunisten wuĂten Bescheid, aber sie konnten es nicht sagen. Auch Christen stellten sich auf die seite der Juden. Einige von ihnen meinten sogar, Hitler und unser Volk wĂŒrde bestraft, weil er das auserwĂ€hlte Volk verfolgt habe. NatĂŒrlich waren auch alle die entsetzt, die jĂŒdische Freunde hatten, aber auch sie wuĂten nicht genau, was mit den Juden geschah.
Danach:
Der Krieg war zu Ende. Dresden war ganz zerstört, fast ganz Chemnitz und die anderen StÀdte in Sachsen mehr oder weniger. 75% aller jungen MÀnner in Deutschland waren schon tot oder starben noch in Lagern.
Unser Ort wurde am 7. Mai 1945 besetzt. Das war der 1. Tag des Waffenstillstandes. 15 km westlich von uns standen die Amerikaner. Wir aber wurden von der Sowjetarmee besetzt. Wir hatten groĂe Angst, aber sie töteten uns nicht. Im Gegenteil, die russischen Soldaten, die schon bald nacheinander in unsere Wohnung kamen, um bei uns zu wohnen, waren alle gut zu uns. Sie können sich nicht vorstellen, wie mir zumute war. Besonders einer war gut. Er hieĂ Michail Tschukin, war 28 Jahre alt und hatte viele Orden. Er war Partisan gewesen. Er rauchte nicht und trank nicht. Er lernte nur immer deutsch. Er war ruhig und freundlich. Er hatte eine 6 â jĂ€hrige Tochter. Seine Frau war durch deutsche Bomben ums Leben gekommen. Das erzĂ€hlte er uns nicht selbst, sondern sein Kamerad. Ich glaube, er war einer von den besten Menschen, die mir jemals begegnet sind, und ich schĂ€mte mich sehr. Und ich schwor mir, nie mehr von Menschen schlecht zu denken, die ich gar nicht kenne, nie mehr ein ganzes Volk fĂŒr grausam zu halten, sondern jeden einzeln zu betrachten.
NatĂŒrlich fragte ich mich sofort: âUnd was war mit den Juden?â Ich hörte bald von Auschwitz und den anderen Konzentrationslagern, aber ich glaubte kein Wort. Ich dachte: wir haben den Kriegverloren, alle meine Freunde sind tot, sinnlos gefallen, aber die anderen Regierungen haben den Krieg gewollt, nicht wir, und nun dichten sie uns alles an, was sie selbst getan haben. Wir können uns ja nicht wehren. Ich war sehr traurig ĂŒber unsere Niederlage und alle ihre Folgen fĂŒr uns.
Und dann wurde ich tatsĂ€chlich Lehrerin. Unser Motorenwerk arbeitete nicht mehr; mein Vater war aus dem Schuldienst geflogen, weil er in der Nazipartei war, und wir hatten kein Geld mehr. Im FrĂŒhling 1946 schickte man mich zu einem Lehrgang und dort, ich weiĂ nicht mehr, wieso, begriff ich, daĂ Auschwitz eine Tatsache war, und meine Verzweiflung war groĂ, und ich kann nicht sagen, daĂ sich dieses GefĂŒhl im Laufe der Zeit gemildert hat. Zuerst hörte ich mehr Allgemeines, aber mit der Zeit, besonders durch Ihr Buch, Genaueres. Ich hörte von einer Frau, die als Christin in Auschwitz war, Einzelheiten, die alle Vorstellungen ĂŒbertrafen. Ich möchte sagen: Ihr Buch und die Leiden der MĂ€nner sind klein im Vergleich zu dem, was die MĂŒtter in Auschwitz erlebten. Es war aber auch hier dasselbe Prinzip: Man brachte die Frauen und Kinder fabrikmĂ€Ăig um, ohne HaĂ â auf Befehl. Als meine Bekannte solch einen Kindermörder fragte: âWie bringen sie denn das fertig?â antwortete er: âNĂŒchtern nicht. Ich muĂ mir immer erst einen antrinken.â
Das alles habe ich nicht gewuĂt, aber ich habe gewuĂt, daĂ die Juden benachteiligt wurden. Ich hĂ€tte mich von Hitlers wahnwitzigen Ideen nicht einfangen lassen dĂŒrfen. Ich war doch
anfangs gut und vernĂŒnftig erzogen worden, ja, ich war sogar einige Jahre lang eine ĂŒberzeugte Christin gewesen, bis ich völlig in den Sog der Mehrheit geriet.
Dabei war meine Blindheit noch irgendwie ein GlĂŒck. Denn wie wĂ€re es mir zumute gewesen, wenn ich alles verstanden und durchschaut hĂ€tte?[5]
Ich glaube auch, es war ein GlĂŒck, daĂ Deutschland nach dem Kriege geteilt wurde, so weh es auch manchem von uns tut. Wenn wir ein selbstĂ€ndiger Staat geworden wĂ€ren wie nach dem 1. Weltkrieg, wer weiĂ, ob wir dann nicht wieder angefangen hĂ€tten, um irgendwelche eingebildeten und âangestammtenâ Rechte zu kĂ€mpfen. So aber sind wir doch etwas weltoffener und verstĂ€ndnisvoller geworden. Es war ein langsamer und manchmal schmerzhafter. Vorgang, aber ich glaube, wir lösten uns immer mehr[6] vom alten Nationalismus. Die Jungen wissen schon gar nichts mehr davon. Rassenwahn ist unseren Jungen hier völlig unbekannt.
Man kann die Menschen zu vielen Dingen erziehen. Manchmal sogar zum Guten. Hoffen wir in dieser Richtung weiterhin das Beste.
AuĂerdem hoffe ich daĂ Sie diese meine letzten 3 Briefe erhalten und daĂ Sie sie sprachlich und inhaltlich verstehen können. Ganz sicher scheint mir letzteres allerdings nicht.
Ich merke auch soeben, daĂ ich nicht auf den Kapo eingegangen bin und nicht auf die Frauen im Labor und auch nicht auf Dr. Pannwitz.[7] Ja, warum? Sicher waren manche Kapos sehr dumm und wuĂten das auch und freuten sich, daĂ Sie gesellschaftlich noch unter ihnen standen und spielten nun die GroĂen? Und die Frauen? Vielleicht dachten sie, daĂ sie Verbrecher seien? Oder hatten sie Angst, bestraft zu werden, wenn sie nett zu Ihnen waren? Und Dr. Pannwitz? Es gibt auch kluge Hohlköpfe.
Man hĂ€tte meinen sollen, daĂ Ihr elendes Aussehen alle Herzen hĂ€tte rĂŒhren mĂŒssen, aber Vielleicht kann man mit der Zeit abstumpfen dagegen oder solche Elendsgestalten gar nicht mehr als Menschen empfinden? AuĂerdem neigen viele Menschen zu Ăberheblichkeit nicht nur den Juden gegenĂŒber. Unser ganzes MilitĂ€rwesen war doch eigentlich auf dieser Ăberheblichkeit aufgebaut, und das schon seit Jahrhunderten. AuĂerdem ist es schwer, einen Menschen, mit dem man nicht richtig reden kann, fĂŒr intelligent zu halten. â Es ist mir ĂŒbrigens ein RĂ€tsel, wieso Sie auf deutsch SchwefelsĂ€ure, Luftdruck und Kurzwellensender sagen konnten?[8]
Auguro a Lei e ai Suoi cari tutto il meglio e La saluto cordialmente
Renate Martin
10 febbraio 72[1]
1933-1939
Hitler salĂŹ al potere, e io seguivo gli eventi con attenzione.
Per prima cosa arrestarono tutti i comunisti e li «rieducarono». Dopo otto settimane, la maggior parte di loro tornava e non diceva piĂč una parola contro Hitler, almeno non in mia presenza.
Poi, di fatto, Hitler eliminĂČ la disoccupazione. CostruĂŹ grandi autostrade e rilanciĂČ lâeconomia, infiammando i cuori di tutti (cosĂŹ mi sembrava). Il sollievo, la gratitudine, lâentusiasmo dilagavano. SĂŹ, sentii dire che voleva entrare nel partito nazista addirittura un giovane comunista che aveva sempre sventolato la bandiera rossa.
Pensai: «Allora qualcosa di buono devâesserci!» e mi iscrissi alla GioventĂč hitlerianadi mia spontanea volontĂ , poco prima che diventasse obbligatorio. Era il 1934.[2]
Io vedevo tutto questo e pensavo: «Non tutto Ăš bello, ma il bene prevale. Tutti hanno lavoro, sono sereni, e finalmente Ăš tornato lâordine.» â E Hitler e i suoi avevano davvero delle idee. Câera lâassistenza invernale per i poveri e le famiglie numerose. Câerano le vacanze a buon prezzo fino in Norvegia e in Italia. E non si faceva che parlare di «Volksgemeinschaft», di «comunitĂ popolare».[3] Gli operai erano rispettati come i padroni delle fabbriche. E questo mi piaceva. Ancora di piĂč mi sarebbe piaciuto se i padroni delle fabbriche li avessero eliminati, ma pensavo: «Tutto non si puĂČ avere». E mi sentivo quasi soddisfatta. Anche in politica estera Hitler restituĂŹ ai tedeschi un senso di orgoglio. Reintrodusse il servizio militare obbligatorio e dichiarĂČ nulli il Trattato di Versailles e i debiti di guerra. Gli altri Paesi non reagirono. CosĂŹ riportĂČ Â«a casa» anche lâAustria e i Sudeti. E noi ne fummo felici. Quando perĂČ occupĂČ la Cecoslovacchia, cominciai a insospettirmi; pensai: «ComâĂš possibile? Quelli non vorranno certo stare con noi!». Ma di sicuro câera una spiegazione âvalidaâ. Che ho dimenticato.
Nel 1934 mio padre mi mandĂČ al liceo di Chemnitz; diceva infatti: «Quello che impari, non potrĂ portartelo via nessuno!».
E io imparai molto, ma dimenticai quasi tutto, tranne alcune cose che ricordo ancora oggi. I figli dei ricchi erano intellettualmente piuttosto mediocri, e domandai a mia madre: «I figli dei padroni delle fabbriche sono proprio stupidi. Anche i padroni delle fabbriche, quindi, saranno stupidi. Ma allora come fanno a dirigere le loro fabbriche?». Mia madre mi rispose: «Per quello hanno i procuratori».
Nella nostra classe câerano due ragazze ebree. Una aveva capelli nerissimi, unâebrea tipica, lâaltra era bionda. Quella con i capelli neri era gentile e sempre allegra, e mi piaceva molto. Lâaltra a volte era cattiva, picchiava, mordeva e graffiava. Entrambe erano benvolute in classe e nessun insegnante le discriminava. Ma la propaganda antiebraica era giĂ iniziata. Oratori e giornali dicevano: «Guardate gli ebrei! Sono stranieri, non fanno parte del nostro popolo, eppure hanno le attivitĂ commerciali piĂč grandi. Sono medici e avvocati. Occupano posizioni importanti. Vogliono governare ovunque. Rothschild paga tutto. Vogliono dominare il mondo intero e noi dovremmo diventare i loro schiavi. (Credo che suonasse piĂč o meno cosĂŹ). Guardate la Russia! Stalin ha sposato unâebrea. La stella dei comunisti Ăš quella di Davide. Gli ebrei governano in segreto al Cremlino. Governano in America e in Inghilterra», ecc. ecc.
Lo ripetevano di continuo e non lesinavano nemmeno sulle atrocitĂ che gli ebrei avrebbero commesso per motivi religiosi. Gli ebrei venivano sempre descritti come codardi, disonesti e avidi. Eravamo costantemente bombardati da questi messaggi dai giornali, dai discorsi, dai film, a scuola.
Quando si dovettero boicottare i negozi ebrei, molti continuarono a frequentarli.
Ricordo che mio padre diceva a mia madre: «Non puoi piĂč andare a far compere nei negozi ebrei. Ai membri del partito Ăš vietato». Mia madre non rispondeva. Ma a me diceva: «Occhio non vede, cuore non duole». Rideva e continuava a far compere dove le pareva. Lei era piĂč per la pratica che per la filosofia.
Un giorno del 1938 arrivai a scuola di buonâora. In classe câera un gran fermento. La sinagoga era distrutta, avevano spaccato anche le vetrine dei negozi ebraici. Dicevano che era stato il popolo infuriato. Ma noi non eravamo affatto infuriati. Credo che non approvassimo quella barbarie. Le due ragazze ebree non vennero. Si diceva che erano emigrate in America. Lo ritenni sensato e in qualche modo mi sentii sollevata. Speravo fosse vero!
Insomma, non so cosa pensassero della questione ebraica gli individui presi singolarmente. Alcuni erano fanatici. Forse odiavano gli ebrei e volevano sterminarli. Altri sapevano come stavano le cose. Erano comunisti, cristiani, umanisti, oppure conoscevano degli ebrei di persona. Ma tacevano o erano rinchiusi in prigione. Tutti gli altri erano disorientati o indifferenti e davvero non capivano cosa stesse succedendo. Vedevano solo che gli ebrei venivano cacciati dalle loro posizioni di prestigio e pensavano che alla fine si sarebbero guadagnati da vivere facendo altri mestieri. Nessuno pensava ai campi di concentramento. I campi di concentramento, si diceva, erano unâinvenzione degli inglesi. I tedeschi forse erano severi, ma giusti e mai crudeli.
Cosa pensavamo della questione razziale? In privato ne parlavamo di rado. Mia madre sembrava una georgiana, io unâebrea. Mio padre poteva, nel caso, passare per germanico. Sapevamo bene che noi tedeschi, soprattutto in Sassonia, eravamo un bel miscuglio di razze.
Non avendo un aspetto nordico, non avevo neanche la stoffa del leader nordico. Non sapevo neanche abbaiare, cosa che mi dispiaceva molto. La mia fiducia in Hitler era incredibile. Se un suo ordine non mi piaceva, davo la colpa a me stessa. Sicuramente era cosĂŹ anche per altri giovani. Eravamo tutti piĂč o meno indottrinati. Quelli piĂč grandi avevano un pensiero critico. Ma nessuno poteva nulla contro il regime di Hitler. A vegliare câerano le SA, le SS, il partito e, soprattutto, la Gestapo. Tutto era organizzato fin nei minimi dettagli.
1939-1945
Nei primi sei anni di regime hitleriano non ci fu un attimo di tregua. Un ordine seguiva lâaltro. I giovani erano in servizio due volte alla settimana, gli anziani la sera. Marce, canti, educazione fisica, riunioni, discorsi: tutto in uniforme. Lo spirito non era molto coltivato.
Pensavamo di dover lottare, facevamo quello che sembrava necessario, ma non provavamo un odio vero e proprio. Credo che il nostro popolo non sia molto passionale.
Nel 1943 lavoravo in una raffineria di petrolio vicino a Lipsia. LĂŹ si trovavano riunite trenta etnie diverse. Una mattina vidi una slovacca andare al lavoro con un foulard, una gonna ampia e gli zoccoli di legno. Câera la neve (â 2°) e lei teneva le braccia avvolte nel grembiule. Non indossava calze. Era piuttosto robusta e pensai: «Che gente forte vive in Slovacchia! Non portano le calze nemmeno dâinverno!». Neppure mi sfiorĂČ lâidea che potesse non averle.
La mattina, quando andavamo in fabbrica, il nostro autobus superava una colonna di detenuti in giacche e pantaloni neri con strisce dorate e gli zoccoli di legno ai piedi. Pensavamo: «Saranno criminali». E chissà chi erano veramente!
In quel periodo sentii alla radio che diciotto ebrei erano stati fucilati. Ne fui inorridita. Ma subito arrivĂČ la spiegazione: «Avevano aggredito le SS».
Dal 1943 al 1945 lavorai come disegnatrice tecnica in una fabbrica di motori sui Monti Metalliferi. Avevamo un capo meraviglioso. Aveva 48 anni ed era il nostro miglior compagno. Inoltre era molto competente e aveva viaggiato parecchio in Germania. Parlava spesso con noi e anche con i due francesi che lavoravano nella nostra squadra. Era nel partito dal 1937 e aveva ricevuto unâonorificenza che indossĂČ per due giorni. Tanto per salvare le apparenze.
Un giorno si avvicinĂČ al mio tavolo da disegno e in qualche modo la conversazione cadde sulla questione ebraica. Mi chiese: «Lei cosa ne pensa?». Risposi con unâalzata di spalle. Lui continuĂČ: «A Krefeld câerano due fabbriche di seta, una tedesca e una ebraica. Quella ebraica funzionava meglio di quella tedesca». Lo fissai inorridita ed esclamai: «Non vorrĂ mica dire che…?». Allora fu lui ad alzare le spalle, sorrise e se ne andĂČ, lasciandomi alle mie riflessioni.
Era giĂ il 1944. La situazione stava rapidamente precipitando e non ero piĂč dellâumore giusto per filosofeggiare.
Poco tempo dopo mi chiese: «à stata nel reparto lavorazioni di alluminio?». «No», risposi, «non ho nulla da fare lÏ». «Dovrebbe farci un salto. Sono arrivate delle donne ebree. Non hanno un bellâaspetto». Pensai che fosse impazzito. Avrei dovuto guardare quelle persone come se fossero animali selvatici? Pensai: «Le donne ebree avranno anche commesso dei crimini, ma non posso fargli una cosa del genere». Per la prima volta provai rabbia nei confronti del mio capo e continuai a fingere di non capire. Vorrei quasi dire: per fortuna!
PiĂč tardi venni a sapere che non tutti in Germania erano allâoscuro come me riguardo agli ebrei. I comunisti sapevano, ma non potevano parlare. Ci furono anche dei cristiani che si schierarono dalla parte degli ebrei. Alcuni di loro pensavano addirittura che Hitler e tutto il nostro popolo sarebbero stati puniti per aver perseguitato il popolo eletto. Naturalmente anche quelli che avevano amici ebrei erano sconvolti, ma nemmeno loro sapevano esattamente cosa stesse accadendo.
Dopo:
La guerra era finita. Dresda era completamente rasa al suolo, Chemnitz era mezza distrutta, e lo erano, qualcuna piĂč, qualcuna meno, anche le altre cittĂ della Sassonia. Il 75% di tutti i giovani uomini tedeschi erano morti o stavano morendo nei lager.
Il nostro paese fu occupato il 7 maggio 1945. Era il primo giorno dopo lâarmistizio. 15 km a ovest da noi câerano gli americani. Noi invece fummo occupati dallâesercito sovietico. Avevamo una gran paura, ma non ci uccisero. Al contrario, i soldati russi che ben presto, uno dopo lâaltro, iniziarono a sistemarsi in casa nostra, furono sempre gentili con noi. Non puĂČ immaginare come mi sentissi. Uno in particolare era molto affabile. Si chiamava Michail Chukin, aveva 28 anni e aveva ricevuto parecchie onorificenze. Era stato un partigiano. Non fumava e non beveva. Passava tutto il tempo a studiare il tedesco. Era tranquillo e premuroso. Aveva una figlia di sei anni. Sua moglie era morta sotto le bombe tedesche. Non ce lo disse lui, ma un suo compagno. Credo che fosse una delle persone migliori che abbia mai incontrato e mi vergognavo profondamente. Giurai a me stessa che mai piĂč avrei pensato male di qualcuno che non conoscevo, e mai piĂč avrei considerato crudele un intero popolo, ma avrei giudicato ogni persona singolarmente.
Naturalmente mi chiesi subito: «E gli ebrei?». Ben presto sentii parlare di Auschwitz e degli altri campi di concentramento, ma non credetti a una sola parola. Pensavo: siamo stati sconfitti, tutti i miei amici sono morti, caduti invano, ma sono stati gli altri governi a volere la guerra, non noi, e ora ci attribuiscono tutte le colpe per crimini che hanno commesso loro. E noi non possiamo difenderci. Ero molto triste per la nostra sconfitta e per le conseguenze che avrebbe avuto per tutti noi.
Tutto questo io non lo sapevo, ma sapevo che gli ebrei venivano discriminati. Non avrei dovuto lasciarmi trascinare dalle idee folli di Hitler. Allâinizio ero stata educata bene e con buon senso, anzi, per alcuni anni ero stata perfino una cristiana convinta, prima di essere completamente risucchiata nel vortice della maggioranza.
E in tutto ciĂČ, la mia cecitĂ Ăš stata in qualche modo una fortuna. Come mi sarei sentita se avessi capito e visto tutto con chiarezza?[5]
Credo anche che sia stata una fortuna se, dopo la guerra, la Germania Ăš stata divisa, per quanto ciĂČ sia stato doloroso per molti di noi. Se fossimo diventati uno Stato indipendente come dopo la Prima guerra mondiale, magari avremmo ricominciato a lottare per qualche diritto immaginario e «innato». Invece cosĂŹ siamo diventati un poâ piĂč comprensivi e aperti verso il mondo. Ă stato un processo lento e a tratti amaro, ma credo che ci siamo via via[6] allontanati dal vecchio nazionalismo. I giovani non ne sanno piĂč nulla. Il razzismo Ăš completamente sconosciuto ai nostri giovani.
Si possono educare le persone a molte cose. A volte perfino al bene. Speriamo che si continui su questa strada.
Spero inoltre che riceva queste mie ultime tre lettere e che riesca a comprenderne il contenuto e la lingua. Non sono perĂČ del tutto sicura di questâultima cosa.
Si sarebbe potuto pensare che il Suo aspetto miserabile avrebbe dovuto toccare il cuore di chiunque, ma forse con il tempo ci si abitua e non si riesce piĂč a considerare delle figure miserabili come esseri umani. E poi molte persone tendono all’arroganza, non solo nei confronti degli ebrei. In fondo tutto il nostro apparato militare si basava da secoli su questa arroganza. Infine, Ăš difficile considerare intelligente una persona con cui non si riesce a parlare davvero. A proposito, Ăš un mistero per me come mai Lei sapesse dire in tedesco «acido solforico», «pressione atmosferica» e «trasmettitore a onde corte».[8]
Flöha, February 23, 1972
Â
Dear Mr. Levi!
I have now finished what aims to be an explanation. I have tried your patience for a long time, but please bear in mind that I am neither a poet nor a philosopher, and never in my life have I written such a long letter.
Two questions still preoccupy me, though: 1. Why did Hitler kill all the Jews? It was utterly senseless. We have a very good explanation for this, but it does not quite satisfy me.
2. Why have the Jews been persecuted for 2000 years? If you know the answers to my questions, please let me know when you have time. Even if it takes a decade.
I wish you and your loved ones all the best and send my warmest regards,
Â
Renate Martin
Â
February 10, 1972[1]
Â
1933-1939
Hitler came to power, and I followed what was happening closely.
First, all communists were arrested and âre-educated.â After eight weeks, most of them returned and said not another word against Hitler, at least not to me.
Then he actually eliminated unemployment. He built large highways and stimulated the economy, winning everyoneâs hearts (or so it seemed to me). Everyone was relieved, grateful, enthusiastic. Indeed, I heard that even a young communist who had always flown the red flag wanted to join the Nazi party.
I said to myself, âThis must be a good thing!â and voluntarily joined the Hitler Youth,[2]Â shortly before it became compulsory. That was in 1934.
But how did my father fare?
Shortly after Hitler seized power, someone said to him: âYouâre a teacher? Thatâs a political profession. You have to join the NSDAP. Otherwise, you might get kicked out!â My father paced back and forth in the living room, his face red with anger. In the end, fear won out. He joined the party. (There was now only one party left.) And of course he immediately regretted it, because now he could find no peace. Meetings, speeches, functions, marches, and the leadersâ barking were an abomination to him. But not everyone felt that way. Some discovered their own FĂŒhrer-like leadership qualities and soon eagerly joined the barking.
I saw all this, and I thought: âItâs not all great, but the good outweighs the bad. Everyone has work, everyone is happy, and order has finally been restored.âAnd Hitler and his people really did have ideas. There was wintertime aid for the poor and for large families. There were cheap vacations in Norway and Italy. And there was always talk of the âVolksgemeinschaftâ[3]âthe âpeopleâs community,â the nation. Workers were as respected as factory owners. And I liked that. I would have liked it even better if he had abolished factory owners. But I thought: âYou canât have everything you want,â and I was almost satisfied. Hitler also strengthened our self-confidence in foreign policy. He reintroduced compulsory military service and declared the Treaty of Versailles and the war debts invalid. Other countries remained silent about it. And so then he brought Austria and the Sudetenland âhome,â too. And we were happy about that. When he occupied Czechoslovakia, I became suspicious, because I thought: Why is he doing that? Surely they donât want to be with us! But I was sure there was a âvalidâ explanation for it. I have since forgotten what it was.
In 1934, my father sent me to secondary school in Chemnitz, since he said, âWhat you learn is yours to keep, no one can take it away!â
And I learned a lot, and forgot most of it, but I still remember some things today: The children of the rich were quite mediocre intellectually, and I asked my mother, âThe factory ownersâ children are so stupid. So the factory owners are stupid too. But how do they run their factories?â My mother said, âThatâs why they have managers.â
We had two Jewish girls in our class. One was very dark-haired and of the classic type, the other was blonde. The dark-haired one was good-natured and always cheerful, and I liked her very much. The other one was sometimes mean, hitting, biting, and scratching. Both were popular in class and were not discriminated against by the teachers. But antisemitic propaganda was already underway. Speakers and newspapers said: âLook at the Jews! They are strangers among us here, but they have the biggest businesses. They are lawyers and doctors. They occupy all the important positions. They want to rule everywhere. Rothschild[4] pays for everything. They want to rule the whole world, and we are to be their slaves. (I think it was something like that). Look at Russia! Stalin has a Jewish wife. The star of the Communists is the Jewish star. They secretly rule the Kremlin. They rule America and England, etc., etc.
They said this over and over again and did not spare us the atrocities that the Jews were said to have committed for religious reasons. The Jews were repeatedly portrayed as cowardly, deceitful, and greedy. We were constantly bombarded by this in the newspapers, speeches, films, and at school.
At first, we did not believe it, but gradually we grew soft. Most of us did not know any Jews. They mostly lived in big cities and kept to themselves. Many of us therefore had no better experience to counter the lies, and our own reason was not enough because we lacked a humanistic education. On the contrary, when a Jew appeared in old fairy tales, he was always portrayed as a usurer. The prejudices of the past confirmed the lies of the present, and we did not get to read what had been written in between that was fair and good. I remember thinking of Maria Warschauer every time I heard something bad about the Jews. (She was the dark-skinned Jewish girl in my class.) And every time I had my doubts, because one Jewish girl was good, and surely there were more. But the âFĂŒhrerâ could not lie about such an important matter. He had done so much for us. At most, he might be mistaken. But could the demigod be mistaken? Finally, I had a saving idea: âAs children, the Jews were still good. They only became bad later.â However, I was not so sure about this theory. We may have considered the Jews dangerous, perhaps somewhat inferior, but we didnât hate them, and we didnât feel the need to destroy them.
When Jewish shops were to be boycotted, many people continued buying from the Jews. I remember my father saying to my mother, âYou canât buy from Jews anymore. Party members are forbidden.â My mother didnât say a word. But then she said to me, âWhat Daddy doesnât know wonât hurt him.â She laughed and shopped wherever she wanted. She was more practical than philosophical.
In 1938, I got to school early one day. There was excitement in the classroom. The synagogue had been destroyed, and the windows of Jewish shops had been smashed. It was supposed to have been the angry people. But we were not angry. I do not think we were in favor of such barbarism. The two Jewish girls were not in class. People said they had emigrated to America. I thought that was sensible and felt somehow relieved. I hoped it was true!
Soon after, a half-Jewish girl from Berlin joined our class. She was very friendly, helpful, and smart. She sat next to me, and we hung out together during recess. Unfortunately, she never talked about her circumstances, and it never occurred to me that she might be suffering. Everyone was nice to her. One day, our teacher called us together, except for my neighbor, and said to us, âIt is unworthy for a German girl to sit next to a half-Jewish girl, and you can no longer go out with her during recess or talk to her in any way!â This teacher was a good person. We did not know what he thought. Maybe he believed what he was saying. (He was drafted soon after and killed in action.) It was very embarrassing for all of us because we did not know how to just ignore Anita, but we did not say a word. We were used to keeping quiet and obeying. Anita was moved to a different seat, far from me. We probably still talked to her when the teacher could not see us, and soon after, she disappeared from school. I was embarrassed by all this, I felt sorry for Anita, but it did not occur to me to apologize or offer her my help. Indeed, it did not even occur to me that she might need help. I was a stupid, inexperienced child, completely brainwashed by Hitler. Hitler always shouted, âYou must be tough!â And we became tough, against ourselves and against others. The degrees of toughness varied, however.Â
In conclusion, I would like to say: I do not know what each individual thought about the Jewish question. Some may have been fanatical. Perhaps they hated the Jews and wanted to destroy them. Others knew better. They were communists, Christians, humanists, or they knew Jews personally. But they remained silent or were imprisoned. The rest were clueless or indifferent, and did not know what was going on. The rest saw that the Jews were being pushed out of their good jobs and thought that the Jews would now earn their bread by doing other work. No one thought of concentration camps. The concentration camps were an invention of the British. Germans may have been strict, but they were fair, and never cruel.
What else did we think about the race issue? We hardly ever talked about it privately. My mother looked like a Georgian, I looked like a Jew. My father could pass as a German if need be. We saw for ourselves that we Germans, especially those of us in Saxony, were a big mix of races.
Since I did not look Nordic, I did not have Nordic leadership qualities either. I could not even bark, and I was terribly sorry about that. My trust in Hitler was incredible. When he ordered something I did not like, I always blamed myself. I am sure other young people felt the same way. We were all more or less drilled into shape. Older people were more critical. But no one could do anything against Hitlerâs regime. The SA, the SS, the party, and above all the secret service made sure of that. Everything was organized down to the smallest detail.
Â
1939-1945
We found no peace during the first six years of Hitlerâs regime. One order followed another. Young people had to report for duty twice a week, as did older people, in the evenings. Marching, singing, physical education, meetings, speechesâall in uniform. The mind was not cultivated as much.
It was the same in foreign policy: one event followed another. We often thought war was coming, but time and again the danger passed, until it finally exploded.
We began to pay off our debts. But we still did not understand it. Of course, it was all the fault of others. Our little neighbor Poland had first massacred the Germans in Bromberg[4] and then fired on us. It was in the newspaper, and a man in our building had heard it himself. Why should I not believe it? Then came France and the Balkans, and finally we marched almost to Moscow. And it was always the fault of others. Strangely enough, they were all against us. And that was the work of the worldwide Jewish conspiracy.
And then came the retreat. I believe our soldiers fought very bravely despite being so afraid of the Russians, who were supposedly terribly cruel. They would kill all the women and children if they came to Germany. The press did not spare us the horrors. Our people worked, fought, and died.
We thought we had to fight. We did what seemed necessary, but hardly felt any hatred. I believe we, as a people, are not prone to intense passion.
In 1942, I graduated from high school and was supposed to become a teacher, but I decided not to because: 1. I lacked the Nordic leadership qualities; and 2. I did not want to join the party.
In 1943, I worked in an oil refinery near Leipzig. Thirty different ethnic groups were gathered there. One morning, I saw a Slovak woman going to work wearing a headscarf, a wide skirt, and wooden clogs. There was snow on the ground (-2°), and she had her arms wrapped in her apron. But she was not wearing any stockings. She was quite strong, and I thought, âWhat strong people live in Slovakia! They donât even wear stockings in winter!â It did not occur to me that she might not have any.
Then I saw Russians in quilted jackets standing by the rubbish heap and wondered why they were there looking for something to eat, because they had round faces.
In the morning, as we drove to work, we passed a column of prisoners in black jackets and pants with gold stripes and wooden shoes. And we thought, âTheyâre criminals.â Who knows who they really were!
Around that time, I also heard on the radio that eighteen Jews had been shot. I was horrified. But then came the explanation: âThey had attacked the SS.â
I observed everything, but I always drew the wrong conclusions because I started from the wrong ideas. Only my uncle knew how things wereâthe same uncle who had voted for Hitler. He listened to Moscow and London on the radio. And one day he said to me, âHitler is a major criminal. Heâs building large concentration camps. Heâs locking up everyone who opposes him!â I got angry and said, âYouâre listening to enemy radio stations. Of course theyâre badmouthing us, and you believe their nonsense!â For a moment, the thought flashed through my mind: Heâs an enemy of the people, we should report him! But then I said to him, âDonât talk so loudly on the street!â He, too, knew nothing about the Jews in the concentration camps (1941).
From 1943 to 1945, I worked as a technical draftswoman in an engine factory in the Ore Mountains. We had a wonderful boss. He was forty-eight years old and our best friend. He was also very capable and had traveled extensively throughout Germany. He often talked to us and also to the two Frenchmen who worked with us. He had been a member of the party since 1937 and had received an award, which he wore for two days. Out of politeness.
One day he came over to my drawing board, and somehow the conversation turned to the Jewish question. He said, âWhat do you think about that?â I shrugged my shoulders. He continued, âThere used to be two silk factories in Krefeld, one German and one Jewish. The Jewish one did better work than the German one.â I stared at him in horror and exclaimed, âYou donât mean to say…?â Now he shrugged his shoulders, smiled, and walked away, leaving me to my thoughts.
That was in 1944 already. Things were going downhill quickly for us, and I was no longer in the mood for philosophizing.
A little later, he asked me, âHave you been to the aluminum building?â âNo,â I replied, âI have no business there.â âYou should go over there. Some Jewish women have arrived. They donât look well.â I thought my boss had gone crazy. Was I supposed to gawk at people like wild animals? I thought, âWhatever crimes the Jewish women may have committed, I canât do that to them.â For the first time ever, I was angry with my boss and remained silent. I almost want to say, âLuckily!â
Later I heard that not everyone in Germany knew as little about the Jews as I did. The communists knew, but they could not say anything. Some Christians also sided with the Jews. Some of them even believed Hitler and our people would be punished for persecuting the chosen people. Of course, everyone who had Jewish friends was horrified, but even they did not know exactly what was happening to the Jews.
Â
Afterwards:
The war was over. Dresden was completely destroyed, as was almost all of Chemnitz and the other cities in Saxony, more or less. 75% of all young men in Germany were already dead or were dying in camps.
Our town was occupied on May 7, 1945. That was the first day of the armistice. The Americans were 15 km west of us. But we were occupied by the Soviet army. We were very afraid, but they didnât kill us. On the contrary, the Russian soldiers, who soon came to our apartment one after the other to live with us, were all good to us. You cannot imagine how I felt. One of them was particularly kind. His name was Mikhail Chukin, he was twenty-eight years old and had many medals. He had been a partisan. He did not smoke or drink. He just studied German all the time. He was calm and friendly. He had a six-year-old daughter. His wife had been killed by German bombs. He did not tell us this himself, but his comrade did. I think he was one of the best people I have ever met, and I felt very ashamed. And I vowed never again to think badly of people I do not know, never again to consider an entire people cruel, but to look at each person individually.
Of course, I immediately asked myself, âWhat about the Jews?â I soon heard about Auschwitz and the other concentration camps, but I didnât believe a word of it. I thought: we lost the war, all my friends are dead, killed for no reason, but the other governments wanted the war, not us, and now theyâre blaming us for everything they themselves did. We canât defend ourselves. I was very sad about our defeat and all its consequences for us.
And then I actually became a teacher. Our engine factory was no longer in business; my father had been expelled from the school system because he was in the Nazi party, and we had no money left. In the spring of 1946, I was sent to a training course and there, I do not know why, I realized that Auschwitz was a reality, and my despair was great, and I cannot say that this feeling has lessened over time. At first I heard general things, but over time, especially through your book, I learned more details. I heard from a woman who was in Auschwitz, though a Christian, details that surpassed all imagination. I would like to say that your book and the menâs suffering are small compared to what mothers experienced in Auschwitz. But here, too, it was the same principle: women and children were killed in a factory-like manner, without hatredâon orders. When an acquaintance of mine asked one such child murderer, âHow can you do it?â he replied, âNot sober. I always have to drink first.â
I did not know all that, but I did know that Jews were being discriminated against. I should not have let myself get caught up in Hitlerâs insane ideas. After all, I had been brought up well and sensibly, and I had even been a devout Christian for several years until I was completely swept up by the tide of the majority.
And yet, somehow, my blindness was fortunate. For how would I have felt if I had understood and seen through everything?[5]
I also believe it was fortunate that Germany was divided after the war, as painful as that may be for some of us. If we had become an independent state, as we did after the First World War, who knows whether we might have started fighting again for some imagined âancestralâ rights. As it is, we have become a little more cosmopolitan and understanding. It was a slow and sometimes painful process, but I believe we are still increasingly[6] breaking away from old-fashioned nationalism. Young people know nothing about it anymore. Racialized fanaticism is completely unknown to our young people here.
People can be trained to do many things. Sometimes even to do good. Let us continue to hope for the best in this regard.
I also hope that you have received my last three letters, and that you will be able to understand them in terms of content and language, although I am not entirely sure about the latter.
I have also just realized that I did not mention the Kapo, or the women in the lab, or Dr. Pannwitz. Indeed, why not? Surely some of the Kapos were very stupid and knew it too, and were happy that you were still below them in society and that they were now the big shots? And the women? Perhaps they thought they were criminals? Or were they afraid of being punished if they were nice to you? And Dr. Pannwitz?[7] There are empty-headed people who are also clever.
One would have thought that your miserable appearance would have touched everyoneâs hearts, but perhaps over time one becomes numb to it or no longer perceives such wretched figures as human beings? Moreover, many people tend to be arrogant, not only towards Jews. Our entire military system was actually built on this arrogance, and has been for centuries. Besides, it is hard to consider someone intelligent when one cannot really talk to them.âIncidentally, another mystery strikes me: how is it you know how to say âsulfuric acid,â âair pressure,â and âshortwave transmitterâ in German?[8]
Flöha, am 23. 2. 72
Lieber Herr Levi!
Jetzt bin ich fertig mit dem, was eine ErklÀrung sein soll. Ich habe Ihre Geduld lange auf die Probe gestellt, aber bedenken Sie: Ich bin weder ein Dichter noch ein Philosoph und habe noch nie in meinem Leben solch einen langen Brief geschrieben.
2 Fragen allerdings beschĂ€ftigen mich noch: 1. Warum tötete Hitler alle Juden? Es war doch ganz sinnlos. Es gibt bei uns eine sehr gute ErklĂ€rung dafĂŒr, aber sie befriedigt mich nicht ganz
2. Warum verfolgt man die Juden seit 2000 Jahren? Falls Sie eine Antwort auf meine Fragen wissen, teilen Sie sie mir bitte mit, wenn Sie einmal Zeit dazu haben. Es kann ruhig 10 Jahre dauern bis dahin.
Ich wĂŒnsche Ihnen und Ihren Lieben weiterhin das Beste und grĂŒĂe sie herzlich
Renate Martin
10. 2. 72[1]
1933-1939
Hitler kam zur Macht, und ich verfolgte aufmerksam, was geschah.
Zuerst wurden alle Kommunisten verhaftet und âumerzogenâ. Nach 8 Wochen kamen die meisten von ihnen wieder und sagten Kein Wort mehr gegen Hitler, jedenfalls nicht zu mir.
Dann beseitigte er tatsĂ€chlich die Arbeitslosigkeit. Er baute groĂe Autobahnen und kurbelte die Wirtschaft an, und alle Herzen flogen ihm zu (so schien es mir). Alle waren erleichtert, alle dankbar, alle begeistert. Ja, ein junger Kommunist, der immer die rote Fahne getragen hatte, wollte sogar in die Nazipartei eintreten, hörte ich.
Ich sagte zu mir selbst: âDas muĂ doch etwas Gutes sein!â und trat freiwillig in die Hitlerjugend ein, kurz bevor es Pflicht wurde. Das war 1934.[2]
Wie aber war es meinem Vater ergangen?
Kurz nach der MachtergreifungdurchHitlerhatte man zu ihm gesagt: âSie sind Lehrer? Das ist ein politischer Beruf. Sie mĂŒssen in die NSDAP eintreten. Sonst kann es sein, Sie fliegen raus!â Mein Vater rannte mit rotem Kopf in der Stube hin und her. Zuletzt siegte die Angst. Er trat in die Partei ein. (Es gab jetzt nur noch die eine). Und natĂŒrlich bereute er es sogleich; denn nun gab es keine Ruhe mehr fĂŒr ihn. Versammlungen, Reden, Funktionen, marschieren und das Gebell der FĂŒhrer waren ihm ein Greuel. Aber das ging nicht allen so. Manche entdeckten ihre eigenen FĂŒhrereigenschaften und bellten bald eifrig mit.
Ich sah das alles, und ich dachte: âEs ist nicht alles schön, aber das Gute ĂŒberwiegt. Alle haben Arbeit, alle sind fröhlich, und endlich herrscht wieder Ordnung.â â Und Hitler und seine Leute hatten wirklich Ideen. Es gab eine Winterhilfe fĂŒr Arme und Kinderreiche. Es gab billige Ferienfahrten bis nach Norwegen und Italien. Und immer war von âVolksgemeinschaftâ[3] die Rede. Die Arbeiter wurden so geachtet wie die Fabrikbesitzer. Und das gefiel mir. Es hĂ€tte mir allerdings noch besser gefallen, wenn er die Fabrikbesitzer abgeschafft hĂ€tte. Aber ich dachte: Der Mensch kann nicht alles nach Wunsch haben und war fast zufrieden. Auch auĂenpolitisch stĂ€rkte Hitler unser SelbstgefĂŒhl. Er fĂŒhrte die Wehrpflicht wieder ein und erklĂ€rte den Versailler Vertrag und die Kriegsschulden fĂŒr ungĂŒltig. Das Ausland schwieg dazu. Und so holte er auch noch Ăsterreich und das Sudetenland âheimâ. Und wir freuten uns darĂŒber. Als er freilich die Tschechoslowakei besetzte, wurde ich stutzig; denn ich dachte: Wieso denn das? Die wollen doch bestimmt nicht bei uns sein! Aber sicher gab es dafĂŒr eine âstichhaltigeâ ErklĂ€rung. Ich habe sie vergessen.
1934 schickte mich mein Vater auf die Höhere Schule nach Chemnitz; denn er sagte: âWas du Lernst, kann dir keiner nehmen!â
Und ich lernte viel, und das meiste vergaĂ ich wieder, aber einiges weiĂ ich bis heute: Die Kinder der reichen Leute waren geistig recht mittelmĂ€Ăig, und ich fragte meine Mutter: âDie Kinder der Fabrikbesitzer sind so dumm. Also sind die Fabrikbesitzer auch dumm. Wie aber Leiten sie dann ihre Fabriken?â Meine Mutter sagte: âDazu haben sie ihre Prokuristen.â
Wir hatten 2 JĂŒdinnen in unserer Klasse. Die eine war sehr dunkel und echt, die andere war blond. Die dunkle war gutartig und immer vergnĂŒgt, und sie gefiel mir sehr. Die andere war manchmal bös, schlug, biĂ und kratzte. Beide waren in der Klasse beliebt und wurden von den Lehrern nicht benachteiligt. Aber die Judenhetze lief schon. Redner und Zeitungen sagten: âGuckt euch die Juden an! Sie sind fremd in unserem Volke aber sie haben die gröĂten GeschĂ€fte. Sie sind Juristen und Ărzte. Sie besetzen alle wichtigen Positionen. Sie wollen ĂŒberall regieren. Rothschild bezahlt alles. Sie wollen die ganze Welt beherrschen, und wir sollen ihre Sklaven sein. (Ich glaube, so Ă€hnlich war es). Guckt nach RuĂland! Stalin hat eine JĂŒdin zur Frau. Der Stern der Kommunisten ist der Judenstern. Sie herrschen heimlich im Kreml. Sie herrschen in Amerika und England, usw., usw.
Sie sagten das immer wieder und sparten auch nicht mit Greueln, die die Juden aus GlaubensgrĂŒnden begangen haben sollten. Die Juden wurden immer wieder als feige, betrĂŒgerisch und habgierig hingestellt. Unentwegt wurden wir aus Zeitungen, Reden, Filmen, Schulen damit berieselt.
Zuerst glaubten wir es wohl nicht, aber nach und nach wurden wir weich. Die meisten von uns kannten gar keine Juden. Diese wohnten meist in den GroĂstĂ€dten und Lebten abgesondert von den anderen. Viele von uns konnten darum den LĂŒgen gar keine eigene bessere Erfahrung entgegensetzen, und die eigene Vernunft reichte nicht aus, weil die humanistische Erziehung fehlte. Im Gegenteil, wenn in alten MĂ€rchen ein Jude vorkam, erschien er bestimmt als Wucherer. Die Vorurteile der Vergangenheit bestĂ€tigten die LĂŒgen der Gegenwart, und was zwischendrin gerecht und gut geschrieben worden war, bekamen wir nicht zu lesen. Ich erinnere mich, daĂ ich jedesmal an Maria Warschauer dachte, wenn ich etwas schlechtes ĂŒber die Juden hörte. (Das war die dunkle JĂŒdin in meiner Klasse). Und jedesmal zweifelte ich; denn eine JĂŒdin war gut, und sicher waren es noch mehr. Aber der âFĂŒhrerâ konnte nicht in solch einer wichtigen Sache LĂŒgen. Er hatte so viel fĂŒr uns getan. Er konnte sich höchstens irren. Aber konnte der Halbgott irren? Ich hatte schlieĂlich eine rettende Idee: âDie Juden waren als Kinder noch gut. Sie wurden erst spĂ€ter schlechtâ. Allerdings, so sicher erschien mir die Theorie nicht. Wir hielten die Juden möglicherweise fĂŒr gefĂ€hrlich, vielleicht fĂŒr etwas minderwertig, aber wir haĂten sie nicht, und wir hatten auch nicht das BedĂŒrfnis, sie zu vernichten.
Als die jĂŒdischen LĂ€den boykottiert werden sollten, kauften viele weiter bei den Juden. Ich erinnere mich, wie mein Vater zu meiner Mutter sagte: âDu kannst nicht mehr bei Juden kaufen. Es ist den Parteigenossen verboten.â Meine Mutter antwortete garnichts. Aber zu mir sagte sie: âWas der Vati nicht weiĂ, macht inn nicht heiĂ.â Sie lachte und kaufte, wo sie wollte. Sie war mehr fĂŒr die Praxis als fĂŒr die Philosophie.
1938 kam ich frĂŒh zur Schule. In der Klasse herrschte Aufregung. Die Synagoge war zerstört worden, auch die Schaufenster der jĂŒdischen GeschĂ€fte waren zerschlagen. Das wĂŒtende Volk sollte es gewesen sein. Aber wir waren nicht wĂŒtend. Ich glaube, wir waren nicht fĂŒr solche Barbarei. â Die beiden JĂŒdinnen fehlten. Man erzĂ€hlte, sie seien nach Amerika ausgewandert. Ich hielt das fĂŒr vernĂŒnftig und fĂŒhlte mich irgendwie erleichtert. Hoffentlich stimmte es!
Bald darauf kam eine HalbjĂŒdin in unsere Klasse aus Berlin. Sie war sehr freundlich, hilfsbereit und klug. Sie setzte sich neben mich, und wir gingen in der Pause miteinander. Leider erzĂ€hlte sie nie etwas ĂŒber ihre VerhĂ€ltnisse, und mir kam gar nicht die Idee, daĂ es ihr schlecht gehen könnte. Alle waren gut zu ihr. Eines Tages rief uns unser Lehrer zusammen ohne meine Nachbarin und sagte zu uns: âEs ist unwĂŒrdig, daĂ ein deutsches MĂ€dchen neben einer HalbjĂŒdin sitzt, und ihr könnt auch nicht mehr in der Pause mit ihr gehen oder sonst mit ihr sprechen!â Dieser Lehrer war ein guter Mensch. Wir wuĂten nicht, was er dachte. Möglicherweise glaubte er, was er sagte. (Er wurde bald darauf eingezogen und fiel). Es war uns wohl allen sehr peinlich; denn wir wuĂten gar nicht, wie wir Anita so einfach ignorieren sollten, aber wir sagten kein Wort. Wir waren gewöhnt zu schweigen und zu gehorchen. Anita wurde von mir weggesetzt. Wahrscheinlich sprachen wir noch mit ihr; denn das sah der Lehrer ja nicht, und bald darauf war sie von unserer Schule verschwunden. â Mir war all das peinlich, mir tat Anita leid, aber ich kam nicht auf die Idee, mich zu entschuldigen oder ihr meine Hilfe anzubieten. Ja, ich kam nicht einmal auf die Idee, daĂ sie Hilfe nötig haben könnte. Ich war ein dummes unerfahrenes Ding und durch Hitler total verblödet. Hitler schrie immer: âIhr mĂŒĂt hart sein!â Und wir wurden hart, gegen uns selbst und gegen andere. Die HĂ€rtegrade waren allerdings verschieden.
AbschlieĂend möchte ich sagen: Ich weiĂ nicht, was jeder einzelne ĂŒber die Judenfrage gedacht hat. Manche mögen fanatisch gewesen sein. Vielleicht haĂten sie die Juden und wollten sie vernichten. Andere wuĂten Bescheid. Sie waren Kommunisten, Christen, Humanisten, oder sie kannten die Juden persönlich. Aber sie schwiegen oder waren eingesperrt. Der Rest war ratlos oder gleichgĂŒltig und wuĂte nicht, was gespielt wurde. Der Rest sah, daĂ die Juden aus ihren guten Stellungen gedrĂ€ngt wurden und dachte, die Juden wĂŒrden nun durch andere Arbeit ihr Brot verdienen. An KZ dachte niemand. Die KZ-s waren eine Erfindung der EnglĂ€nder. Die Deutschen waren vielleicht streng, aber gerecht und niemals grausam.
Was wir sonst zur Rassenfrage dachten? Wir sprachen privat kaum darĂŒber. Meine Mutter sah aus wie eine Georgierin, ich wie eine JĂŒdin. Mein Vater konnte notfalls als Germane gelten. Wir sahen selbst, daĂ wir Deutschen, besonders wir in Sachsen eine tolle Mischrasse waren.
Da ich nicht nordisch aussah, hatte ich auch keine nordischen FĂŒhrereigenschaften. Auch bellen konnte ich nicht, und das tat mir schrecklich leid. Mein Vertrauen zu Hitler war unglaublich. Wenn er etwas befahl, was mir nicht gefiel, suchte ich stets die Schuld bei mir. Sicher ging das auch anderen jungen Menschen so. Wir waren alle mehr oder weniger auf Vordermann gedrillt. Die Ă€lteren Leute waren kritischer. Aber tun konnte keiner was gegen Hitlers Regime. DafĂŒr sorgten die SA, die SS, die Partei und vor allem der Geheimdienst. Alles war bis ins Kleinste organisiert.
1939-1945
Wir kamen in den ersten 6 Jahren der Hitlerzeit nicht zur Ruhe. Ein Befehl jagte den anderen. Die Jugend hatte 2 mal in der Woche Dienst, ebenso die Ălteren abends. Marschieren, Singen, Körpererziehung, Versammlungen, Reden â alles in Uniform. Der Geist wurde nicht so sehr gepflegt.
AuĂenpolitisch war es dasselbe: Ein Ereignis jagte das andere. Oft dachten wie, es kĂ€me Krieg, aber immer wieder ging die Gefahr vorĂŒber, bis es schlieĂlich zur Explosion kam.
Wir begannen unsere Schulden zu bezahlen. Aber das verstanden wir noch lange nicht. NatĂŒrlich waren die anderen an allem schuld. Das kleine Polen hatte erst die Deutschen in Bromberg massakriert[4] und dann auf uns geschossen. Es stand in der Zeitung, und ein Mann in unserem Haus hatte es selbst gehört. Warum sollte ich es nicht glauben? Dann kam Frankreich und dar Balkan, und schlieĂlich marschierten wir fast bis Moskau. Und immer waren die anderen schuld. Sie waren komischerweise alle gegen uns. Und das war das Werk des Weltjudentums.
Und dann kam der RĂŒckmarsch. Ich glaube unsere Soldaten kĂ€mpften sehr tapfer. Denn sie hatten groĂe Angst vor den Russen. Die sollten furchtbar grausam sein. Sie wĂŒrden alle Frauen und Kinder töten, wenn sie nach Deutschland kĂ€men. Die Presse sparte nicht mit Greueln. â Unser Volk arbeitete, kĂ€mpfte und starb.
Wir dachten, wir mĂŒĂten kĂ€mpfen, Wir taten, was notwendig schien, aber HaĂ empfanden wir kaum. Ich glaube, unser Volk ist nicht sehr leidenschaftlich.
1942 machte ich das Abitur und sollte Lehrerin werden, aber ich verzichtete Lieber; denn 1. fehlten mir die nordischen FĂŒhrereigenschaften, und 2. wollte ich nicht in die Partei eintreten.
1943 arbeitete ich in einem Benzinwerk bei Leipzig. Dort waren 30 Völkerschaften versammelt. Eines Morgens sah ich eine Slowakin zur Arbeit gehen mit Kopftuch, weitem Rock und Holzpantoffeln. Es lag Schnee (â 2°), und sie hatte die Arme in die SchĂŒrze gewickelt. Aber sie trug keine StrĂŒmpfe. Sie war ziemlich krĂ€ftig, und ich dachte: âWas fĂŒr starke Menschen in der Slowakei wohnen! Sie tragen nicht mal im Winter StrĂŒmpfe!â Mir kam gar nicht die Idee, daĂ sie vielleicht keine hatte.
Dann sah ich Russen in Wattejacken an den Abfallhaufen stehen und wunderte mich, daĂ sie nach EĂbarem suchten; denn sie hatten runde Gesichter.
Morgens, wenn wir zum Werk fuhren, ĂŒberholten wir mit dem Bus eine Kolonne Strafgefangene in schwarzen Jacken und Hosen mit goldenen Streifen und in Holzschuhen. Und wir dachten: âDas sind Verbrecher.â Wer weiĂ, wer sie wirklich waren!
Um diese Zeit hörte ich auch im Radio, daĂ 18 Juden erschossen worden seien. Ich war entsetzt. Aber schon kam die ErklĂ€rung: âSie hatten die ss angegriffen.â
Ich beobachtete alles, aber ich zog stets falsche SchlĂŒsse, weil ich von falschen Ideen ausging. Nur mein Onkel war aufgeklĂ€rt, derselbe, der Hitler gewĂ€hlt hatte. Er hörte Moskau und London im Radio. Und eines Tages sagte er zu mir: âDer Hitler ist ein groĂer Verbrecher. Er baut groĂe KZ s. Da sperrt er alle hinein, die gegen ihn sind!â ich wurde wĂŒtend und sagte: âDu hörst Feindsender. NatĂŒrlich machen die uns schlecht, und du glaubst den Unsinn!â Einen Augenblick durchzuckte mich der Gedanke: Er ist ein Volksfeind, man mĂŒĂte ihn anzeigen! Aber dann sagte ich zu ihm: âRed nicht so laut auf der StraĂe!â â Von den Juden im KZ wuĂte auch er nichts (1941).
1943 – 45 arbeitete ich in einem Motorenwerk im Erzgebirge als technische Zeichnerin. Wir hatten einen wunderbaren Chef. Er war 48 Jahre alt und unser bester Kamerad. AuĂerdem war er sehr tĂŒchtig und weit in Deutschland herumgekommen. Er unterhielt sich oft mit uns und ebenso mit den beiden Franzosen, die bei uns arbeiteten. Er war seit 1937 in der Partei und besaĂ eine Auszeichnung, die er fĂŒr 2 Tage trug. Anstandshalber.
Eines Tages kam er an mein ReiĂbrett, und irgendwie kam die Rede auf die Judenfrage. Er sagte: âWas halten Sie davon?â Ich zuckte mit den Achseln. Er fuhr fort: âIn Krefeld gab es frĂŒher 2 Seidenfabriken, eine deutsche und eine jĂŒdische. Die jĂŒdische arbeitete besser als die deutsche.â Ich starrte ihn entsetzt an und rief: âSie wollen doch nicht etwa sagenâŠ?â Jetzt zuckte er mit den Achseln, lĂ€chelte und ging davon und ĂŒberlieĂ mich meinen Betrachtungen.
Das war schon 1944. Es ging schnell bergab mit uns, und ich war nicht mehr so zum philosophieren aufgelegt.
Etwas spĂ€ter fragte er mich: âWaren Sie im Aluminiumbau?â â âNeinâ, antwortete ich, âich habe dort gar nichts zu suchen.â â âSie sollten mal dorthin gehen. Es sind JĂŒdinnen angekommen. Sie sehen nicht gut aus.â Ich glaubte, mein Chef sei ĂŒbergeschnappt. Ich sollte
Menschen angaffen wie wilde Tiere? Ich dachte: âMögen die JĂŒdinnen verbrochen haben, was sie wollen, aber das kann ich ihnen nicht antun.â Ich war zum 1. Male zornig auf meinen Chef und blieb weiterhin dumm. Ich möchte fast sagen: â GlĂŒcklicherweise!â
SpĂ€ter hörte ich, daĂ nicht alle in Deutschland so wenig ĂŒber die Juden wuĂten wie ich. Die Kommunisten wuĂten Bescheid, aber sie konnten es nicht sagen. Auch Christen stellten sich auf die seite der Juden. Einige von ihnen meinten sogar, Hitler und unser Volk wĂŒrde bestraft, weil er das auserwĂ€hlte Volk verfolgt habe. NatĂŒrlich waren auch alle die entsetzt, die jĂŒdische Freunde hatten, aber auch sie wuĂten nicht genau, was mit den Juden geschah.
Danach:
Der Krieg war zu Ende. Dresden war ganz zerstört, fast ganz Chemnitz und die anderen StÀdte in Sachsen mehr oder weniger. 75% aller jungen MÀnner in Deutschland waren schon tot oder starben noch in Lagern.
Unser Ort wurde am 7. Mai 1945 besetzt. Das war der 1. Tag des Waffenstillstandes. 15 km westlich von uns standen die Amerikaner. Wir aber wurden von der Sowjetarmee besetzt. Wir hatten groĂe Angst, aber sie töteten uns nicht. Im Gegenteil, die russischen Soldaten, die schon bald nacheinander in unsere Wohnung kamen, um bei uns zu wohnen, waren alle gut zu uns. Sie können sich nicht vorstellen, wie mir zumute war. Besonders einer war gut. Er hieĂ Michail Tschukin, war 28 Jahre alt und hatte viele Orden. Er war Partisan gewesen. Er rauchte nicht und trank nicht. Er lernte nur immer deutsch. Er war ruhig und freundlich. Er hatte eine 6 â jĂ€hrige Tochter. Seine Frau war durch deutsche Bomben ums Leben gekommen. Das erzĂ€hlte er uns nicht selbst, sondern sein Kamerad. Ich glaube, er war einer von den besten Menschen, die mir jemals begegnet sind, und ich schĂ€mte mich sehr. Und ich schwor mir, nie mehr von Menschen schlecht zu denken, die ich gar nicht kenne, nie mehr ein ganzes Volk fĂŒr grausam zu halten, sondern jeden einzeln zu betrachten.
NatĂŒrlich fragte ich mich sofort: âUnd was war mit den Juden?â Ich hörte bald von Auschwitz und den anderen Konzentrationslagern, aber ich glaubte kein Wort. Ich dachte: wir haben den Kriegverloren, alle meine Freunde sind tot, sinnlos gefallen, aber die anderen Regierungen haben den Krieg gewollt, nicht wir, und nun dichten sie uns alles an, was sie selbst getan haben. Wir können uns ja nicht wehren. Ich war sehr traurig ĂŒber unsere Niederlage und alle ihre Folgen fĂŒr uns.
Und dann wurde ich tatsĂ€chlich Lehrerin. Unser Motorenwerk arbeitete nicht mehr; mein Vater war aus dem Schuldienst geflogen, weil er in der Nazipartei war, und wir hatten kein Geld mehr. Im FrĂŒhling 1946 schickte man mich zu einem Lehrgang und dort, ich weiĂ nicht mehr, wieso, begriff ich, daĂ Auschwitz eine Tatsache war, und meine Verzweiflung war groĂ, und ich kann nicht sagen, daĂ sich dieses GefĂŒhl im Laufe der Zeit gemildert hat. Zuerst hörte ich mehr Allgemeines, aber mit der Zeit, besonders durch Ihr Buch, Genaueres. Ich hörte von einer Frau, die als Christin in Auschwitz war, Einzelheiten, die alle Vorstellungen ĂŒbertrafen. Ich möchte sagen: Ihr Buch und die Leiden der MĂ€nner sind klein im Vergleich zu dem, was die MĂŒtter in Auschwitz erlebten. Es war aber auch hier dasselbe Prinzip: Man brachte die Frauen und Kinder fabrikmĂ€Ăig um, ohne HaĂ â auf Befehl. Als meine Bekannte solch einen Kindermörder fragte: âWie bringen sie denn das fertig?â antwortete er: âNĂŒchtern nicht. Ich muĂ mir immer erst einen antrinken.â
Das alles habe ich nicht gewuĂt, aber ich habe gewuĂt, daĂ die Juden benachteiligt wurden. Ich hĂ€tte mich von Hitlers wahnwitzigen Ideen nicht einfangen lassen dĂŒrfen. Ich war doch
anfangs gut und vernĂŒnftig erzogen worden, ja, ich war sogar einige Jahre lang eine ĂŒberzeugte Christin gewesen, bis ich völlig in den Sog der Mehrheit geriet.
Dabei war meine Blindheit noch irgendwie ein GlĂŒck. Denn wie wĂ€re es mir zumute gewesen, wenn ich alles verstanden und durchschaut hĂ€tte?[5]
Ich glaube auch, es war ein GlĂŒck, daĂ Deutschland nach dem Kriege geteilt wurde, so weh es auch manchem von uns tut. Wenn wir ein selbstĂ€ndiger Staat geworden wĂ€ren wie nach dem 1. Weltkrieg, wer weiĂ, ob wir dann nicht wieder angefangen hĂ€tten, um irgendwelche eingebildeten und âangestammtenâ Rechte zu kĂ€mpfen. So aber sind wir doch etwas weltoffener und verstĂ€ndnisvoller geworden. Es war ein langsamer und manchmal schmerzhafter. Vorgang, aber ich glaube, wir lösten uns immer mehr[6] vom alten Nationalismus. Die Jungen wissen schon gar nichts mehr davon. Rassenwahn ist unseren Jungen hier völlig unbekannt.
Man kann die Menschen zu vielen Dingen erziehen. Manchmal sogar zum Guten. Hoffen wir in dieser Richtung weiterhin das Beste.
AuĂerdem hoffe ich daĂ Sie diese meine letzten 3 Briefe erhalten und daĂ Sie sie sprachlich und inhaltlich verstehen können. Ganz sicher scheint mir letzteres allerdings nicht.
Ich merke auch soeben, daĂ ich nicht auf den Kapo eingegangen bin und nicht auf die Frauen im Labor und auch nicht auf Dr. Pannwitz.[7] Ja, warum? Sicher waren manche Kapos sehr dumm und wuĂten das auch und freuten sich, daĂ Sie gesellschaftlich noch unter ihnen standen und spielten nun die GroĂen? Und die Frauen? Vielleicht dachten sie, daĂ sie Verbrecher seien? Oder hatten sie Angst, bestraft zu werden, wenn sie nett zu Ihnen waren? Und Dr. Pannwitz? Es gibt auch kluge Hohlköpfe.
Man hĂ€tte meinen sollen, daĂ Ihr elendes Aussehen alle Herzen hĂ€tte rĂŒhren mĂŒssen, aber Vielleicht kann man mit der Zeit abstumpfen dagegen oder solche Elendsgestalten gar nicht mehr als Menschen empfinden? AuĂerdem neigen viele Menschen zu Ăberheblichkeit nicht nur den Juden gegenĂŒber. Unser ganzes MilitĂ€rwesen war doch eigentlich auf dieser Ăberheblichkeit aufgebaut, und das schon seit Jahrhunderten. AuĂerdem ist es schwer, einen Menschen, mit dem man nicht richtig reden kann, fĂŒr intelligent zu halten. â Es ist mir ĂŒbrigens ein RĂ€tsel, wieso Sie auf deutsch SchwefelsĂ€ure, Luftdruck und Kurzwellensender sagen konnten?[8]
Auguro a Lei e ai Suoi cari tutto il meglio e La saluto cordialmente
Renate Martin
10 febbraio 72[1]
1933-1939
Hitler salĂŹ al potere, e io seguivo gli eventi con attenzione.
Per prima cosa arrestarono tutti i comunisti e li «rieducarono». Dopo otto settimane, la maggior parte di loro tornava e non diceva piĂč una parola contro Hitler, almeno non in mia presenza.
Poi, di fatto, Hitler eliminĂČ la disoccupazione. CostruĂŹ grandi autostrade e rilanciĂČ lâeconomia, infiammando i cuori di tutti (cosĂŹ mi sembrava). Il sollievo, la gratitudine, lâentusiasmo dilagavano. SĂŹ, sentii dire che voleva entrare nel partito nazista addirittura un giovane comunista che aveva sempre sventolato la bandiera rossa.
Pensai: «Allora qualcosa di buono devâesserci!» e mi iscrissi alla GioventĂč hitlerianadi mia spontanea volontĂ , poco prima che diventasse obbligatorio. Era il 1934.[2]
Io vedevo tutto questo e pensavo: «Non tutto Ăš bello, ma il bene prevale. Tutti hanno lavoro, sono sereni, e finalmente Ăš tornato lâordine.» â E Hitler e i suoi avevano davvero delle idee. Câera lâassistenza invernale per i poveri e le famiglie numerose. Câerano le vacanze a buon prezzo fino in Norvegia e in Italia. E non si faceva che parlare di «Volksgemeinschaft», di «comunitĂ popolare».[3] Gli operai erano rispettati come i padroni delle fabbriche. E questo mi piaceva. Ancora di piĂč mi sarebbe piaciuto se i padroni delle fabbriche li avessero eliminati, ma pensavo: «Tutto non si puĂČ avere». E mi sentivo quasi soddisfatta. Anche in politica estera Hitler restituĂŹ ai tedeschi un senso di orgoglio. Reintrodusse il servizio militare obbligatorio e dichiarĂČ nulli il Trattato di Versailles e i debiti di guerra. Gli altri Paesi non reagirono. CosĂŹ riportĂČ Â«a casa» anche lâAustria e i Sudeti. E noi ne fummo felici. Quando perĂČ occupĂČ la Cecoslovacchia, cominciai a insospettirmi; pensai: «ComâĂš possibile? Quelli non vorranno certo stare con noi!». Ma di sicuro câera una spiegazione âvalidaâ. Che ho dimenticato.
Nel 1934 mio padre mi mandĂČ al liceo di Chemnitz; diceva infatti: «Quello che impari, non potrĂ portartelo via nessuno!».
E io imparai molto, ma dimenticai quasi tutto, tranne alcune cose che ricordo ancora oggi. I figli dei ricchi erano intellettualmente piuttosto mediocri, e domandai a mia madre: «I figli dei padroni delle fabbriche sono proprio stupidi. Anche i padroni delle fabbriche, quindi, saranno stupidi. Ma allora come fanno a dirigere le loro fabbriche?». Mia madre mi rispose: «Per quello hanno i procuratori».
Nella nostra classe câerano due ragazze ebree. Una aveva capelli nerissimi, unâebrea tipica, lâaltra era bionda. Quella con i capelli neri era gentile e sempre allegra, e mi piaceva molto. Lâaltra a volte era cattiva, picchiava, mordeva e graffiava. Entrambe erano benvolute in classe e nessun insegnante le discriminava. Ma la propaganda antiebraica era giĂ iniziata. Oratori e giornali dicevano: «Guardate gli ebrei! Sono stranieri, non fanno parte del nostro popolo, eppure hanno le attivitĂ commerciali piĂč grandi. Sono medici e avvocati. Occupano posizioni importanti. Vogliono governare ovunque. Rothschild paga tutto. Vogliono dominare il mondo intero e noi dovremmo diventare i loro schiavi. (Credo che suonasse piĂč o meno cosĂŹ). Guardate la Russia! Stalin ha sposato unâebrea. La stella dei comunisti Ăš quella di Davide. Gli ebrei governano in segreto al Cremlino. Governano in America e in Inghilterra», ecc. ecc.
Lo ripetevano di continuo e non lesinavano nemmeno sulle atrocitĂ che gli ebrei avrebbero commesso per motivi religiosi. Gli ebrei venivano sempre descritti come codardi, disonesti e avidi. Eravamo costantemente bombardati da questi messaggi dai giornali, dai discorsi, dai film, a scuola.
Quando si dovettero boicottare i negozi ebrei, molti continuarono a frequentarli.
Ricordo che mio padre diceva a mia madre: «Non puoi piĂč andare a far compere nei negozi ebrei. Ai membri del partito Ăš vietato». Mia madre non rispondeva. Ma a me diceva: «Occhio non vede, cuore non duole». Rideva e continuava a far compere dove le pareva. Lei era piĂč per la pratica che per la filosofia.
Un giorno del 1938 arrivai a scuola di buonâora. In classe câera un gran fermento. La sinagoga era distrutta, avevano spaccato anche le vetrine dei negozi ebraici. Dicevano che era stato il popolo infuriato. Ma noi non eravamo affatto infuriati. Credo che non approvassimo quella barbarie. Le due ragazze ebree non vennero. Si diceva che erano emigrate in America. Lo ritenni sensato e in qualche modo mi sentii sollevata. Speravo fosse vero!
Insomma, non so cosa pensassero della questione ebraica gli individui presi singolarmente. Alcuni erano fanatici. Forse odiavano gli ebrei e volevano sterminarli. Altri sapevano come stavano le cose. Erano comunisti, cristiani, umanisti, oppure conoscevano degli ebrei di persona. Ma tacevano o erano rinchiusi in prigione. Tutti gli altri erano disorientati o indifferenti e davvero non capivano cosa stesse succedendo. Vedevano solo che gli ebrei venivano cacciati dalle loro posizioni di prestigio e pensavano che alla fine si sarebbero guadagnati da vivere facendo altri mestieri. Nessuno pensava ai campi di concentramento. I campi di concentramento, si diceva, erano unâinvenzione degli inglesi. I tedeschi forse erano severi, ma giusti e mai crudeli.
Cosa pensavamo della questione razziale? In privato ne parlavamo di rado. Mia madre sembrava una georgiana, io unâebrea. Mio padre poteva, nel caso, passare per germanico. Sapevamo bene che noi tedeschi, soprattutto in Sassonia, eravamo un bel miscuglio di razze.
Non avendo un aspetto nordico, non avevo neanche la stoffa del leader nordico. Non sapevo neanche abbaiare, cosa che mi dispiaceva molto. La mia fiducia in Hitler era incredibile. Se un suo ordine non mi piaceva, davo la colpa a me stessa. Sicuramente era cosĂŹ anche per altri giovani. Eravamo tutti piĂč o meno indottrinati. Quelli piĂč grandi avevano un pensiero critico. Ma nessuno poteva nulla contro il regime di Hitler. A vegliare câerano le SA, le SS, il partito e, soprattutto, la Gestapo. Tutto era organizzato fin nei minimi dettagli.
1939-1945
Nei primi sei anni di regime hitleriano non ci fu un attimo di tregua. Un ordine seguiva lâaltro. I giovani erano in servizio due volte alla settimana, gli anziani la sera. Marce, canti, educazione fisica, riunioni, discorsi: tutto in uniforme. Lo spirito non era molto coltivato.
Pensavamo di dover lottare, facevamo quello che sembrava necessario, ma non provavamo un odio vero e proprio. Credo che il nostro popolo non sia molto passionale.
Nel 1943 lavoravo in una raffineria di petrolio vicino a Lipsia. LĂŹ si trovavano riunite trenta etnie diverse. Una mattina vidi una slovacca andare al lavoro con un foulard, una gonna ampia e gli zoccoli di legno. Câera la neve (â 2°) e lei teneva le braccia avvolte nel grembiule. Non indossava calze. Era piuttosto robusta e pensai: «Che gente forte vive in Slovacchia! Non portano le calze nemmeno dâinverno!». Neppure mi sfiorĂČ lâidea che potesse non averle.
La mattina, quando andavamo in fabbrica, il nostro autobus superava una colonna di detenuti in giacche e pantaloni neri con strisce dorate e gli zoccoli di legno ai piedi. Pensavamo: «Saranno criminali». E chissà chi erano veramente!
In quel periodo sentii alla radio che diciotto ebrei erano stati fucilati. Ne fui inorridita. Ma subito arrivĂČ la spiegazione: «Avevano aggredito le SS».
Dal 1943 al 1945 lavorai come disegnatrice tecnica in una fabbrica di motori sui Monti Metalliferi. Avevamo un capo meraviglioso. Aveva 48 anni ed era il nostro miglior compagno. Inoltre era molto competente e aveva viaggiato parecchio in Germania. Parlava spesso con noi e anche con i due francesi che lavoravano nella nostra squadra. Era nel partito dal 1937 e aveva ricevuto unâonorificenza che indossĂČ per due giorni. Tanto per salvare le apparenze.
Un giorno si avvicinĂČ al mio tavolo da disegno e in qualche modo la conversazione cadde sulla questione ebraica. Mi chiese: «Lei cosa ne pensa?». Risposi con unâalzata di spalle. Lui continuĂČ: «A Krefeld câerano due fabbriche di seta, una tedesca e una ebraica. Quella ebraica funzionava meglio di quella tedesca». Lo fissai inorridita ed esclamai: «Non vorrĂ mica dire che…?». Allora fu lui ad alzare le spalle, sorrise e se ne andĂČ, lasciandomi alle mie riflessioni.
Era giĂ il 1944. La situazione stava rapidamente precipitando e non ero piĂč dellâumore giusto per filosofeggiare.
Poco tempo dopo mi chiese: «à stata nel reparto lavorazioni di alluminio?». «No», risposi, «non ho nulla da fare lÏ». «Dovrebbe farci un salto. Sono arrivate delle donne ebree. Non hanno un bellâaspetto». Pensai che fosse impazzito. Avrei dovuto guardare quelle persone come se fossero animali selvatici? Pensai: «Le donne ebree avranno anche commesso dei crimini, ma non posso fargli una cosa del genere». Per la prima volta provai rabbia nei confronti del mio capo e continuai a fingere di non capire. Vorrei quasi dire: per fortuna!
PiĂč tardi venni a sapere che non tutti in Germania erano allâoscuro come me riguardo agli ebrei. I comunisti sapevano, ma non potevano parlare. Ci furono anche dei cristiani che si schierarono dalla parte degli ebrei. Alcuni di loro pensavano addirittura che Hitler e tutto il nostro popolo sarebbero stati puniti per aver perseguitato il popolo eletto. Naturalmente anche quelli che avevano amici ebrei erano sconvolti, ma nemmeno loro sapevano esattamente cosa stesse accadendo.
Dopo:
La guerra era finita. Dresda era completamente rasa al suolo, Chemnitz era mezza distrutta, e lo erano, qualcuna piĂč, qualcuna meno, anche le altre cittĂ della Sassonia. Il 75% di tutti i giovani uomini tedeschi erano morti o stavano morendo nei lager.
Il nostro paese fu occupato il 7 maggio 1945. Era il primo giorno dopo lâarmistizio. 15 km a ovest da noi câerano gli americani. Noi invece fummo occupati dallâesercito sovietico. Avevamo una gran paura, ma non ci uccisero. Al contrario, i soldati russi che ben presto, uno dopo lâaltro, iniziarono a sistemarsi in casa nostra, furono sempre gentili con noi. Non puĂČ immaginare come mi sentissi. Uno in particolare era molto affabile. Si chiamava Michail Chukin, aveva 28 anni e aveva ricevuto parecchie onorificenze. Era stato un partigiano. Non fumava e non beveva. Passava tutto il tempo a studiare il tedesco. Era tranquillo e premuroso. Aveva una figlia di sei anni. Sua moglie era morta sotto le bombe tedesche. Non ce lo disse lui, ma un suo compagno. Credo che fosse una delle persone migliori che abbia mai incontrato e mi vergognavo profondamente. Giurai a me stessa che mai piĂč avrei pensato male di qualcuno che non conoscevo, e mai piĂč avrei considerato crudele un intero popolo, ma avrei giudicato ogni persona singolarmente.
Naturalmente mi chiesi subito: «E gli ebrei?». Ben presto sentii parlare di Auschwitz e degli altri campi di concentramento, ma non credetti a una sola parola. Pensavo: siamo stati sconfitti, tutti i miei amici sono morti, caduti invano, ma sono stati gli altri governi a volere la guerra, non noi, e ora ci attribuiscono tutte le colpe per crimini che hanno commesso loro. E noi non possiamo difenderci. Ero molto triste per la nostra sconfitta e per le conseguenze che avrebbe avuto per tutti noi.
Tutto questo io non lo sapevo, ma sapevo che gli ebrei venivano discriminati. Non avrei dovuto lasciarmi trascinare dalle idee folli di Hitler. Allâinizio ero stata educata bene e con buon senso, anzi, per alcuni anni ero stata perfino una cristiana convinta, prima di essere completamente risucchiata nel vortice della maggioranza.
E in tutto ciĂČ, la mia cecitĂ Ăš stata in qualche modo una fortuna. Come mi sarei sentita se avessi capito e visto tutto con chiarezza?[5]
Credo anche che sia stata una fortuna se, dopo la guerra, la Germania Ăš stata divisa, per quanto ciĂČ sia stato doloroso per molti di noi. Se fossimo diventati uno Stato indipendente come dopo la Prima guerra mondiale, magari avremmo ricominciato a lottare per qualche diritto immaginario e «innato». Invece cosĂŹ siamo diventati un poâ piĂč comprensivi e aperti verso il mondo. Ă stato un processo lento e a tratti amaro, ma credo che ci siamo via via[6] allontanati dal vecchio nazionalismo. I giovani non ne sanno piĂč nulla. Il razzismo Ăš completamente sconosciuto ai nostri giovani.
Si possono educare le persone a molte cose. A volte perfino al bene. Speriamo che si continui su questa strada.
Spero inoltre che riceva queste mie ultime tre lettere e che riesca a comprenderne il contenuto e la lingua. Non sono perĂČ del tutto sicura di questâultima cosa.
Si sarebbe potuto pensare che il Suo aspetto miserabile avrebbe dovuto toccare il cuore di chiunque, ma forse con il tempo ci si abitua e non si riesce piĂč a considerare delle figure miserabili come esseri umani. E poi molte persone tendono all’arroganza, non solo nei confronti degli ebrei. In fondo tutto il nostro apparato militare si basava da secoli su questa arroganza. Infine, Ăš difficile considerare intelligente una persona con cui non si riesce a parlare davvero. A proposito, Ăš un mistero per me come mai Lei sapesse dire in tedesco «acido solforico», «pressione atmosferica» e «trasmettitore a onde corte».[8]
Flöha, February 23, 1972
Â
Dear Mr. Levi!
I have now finished what aims to be an explanation. I have tried your patience for a long time, but please bear in mind that I am neither a poet nor a philosopher, and never in my life have I written such a long letter.
Two questions still preoccupy me, though: 1. Why did Hitler kill all the Jews? It was utterly senseless. We have a very good explanation for this, but it does not quite satisfy me.
2. Why have the Jews been persecuted for 2000 years? If you know the answers to my questions, please let me know when you have time. Even if it takes a decade.
I wish you and your loved ones all the best and send my warmest regards,
Â
Renate Martin
Â
February 10, 1972[1]
Â
1933-1939
Hitler came to power, and I followed what was happening closely.
First, all communists were arrested and âre-educated.â After eight weeks, most of them returned and said not another word against Hitler, at least not to me.
Then he actually eliminated unemployment. He built large highways and stimulated the economy, winning everyoneâs hearts (or so it seemed to me). Everyone was relieved, grateful, enthusiastic. Indeed, I heard that even a young communist who had always flown the red flag wanted to join the Nazi party.
I said to myself, âThis must be a good thing!â and voluntarily joined the Hitler Youth,[2]Â shortly before it became compulsory. That was in 1934.
But how did my father fare?
Shortly after Hitler seized power, someone said to him: âYouâre a teacher? Thatâs a political profession. You have to join the NSDAP. Otherwise, you might get kicked out!â My father paced back and forth in the living room, his face red with anger. In the end, fear won out. He joined the party. (There was now only one party left.) And of course he immediately regretted it, because now he could find no peace. Meetings, speeches, functions, marches, and the leadersâ barking were an abomination to him. But not everyone felt that way. Some discovered their own FĂŒhrer-like leadership qualities and soon eagerly joined the barking.
I saw all this, and I thought: âItâs not all great, but the good outweighs the bad. Everyone has work, everyone is happy, and order has finally been restored.âAnd Hitler and his people really did have ideas. There was wintertime aid for the poor and for large families. There were cheap vacations in Norway and Italy. And there was always talk of the âVolksgemeinschaftâ[3]âthe âpeopleâs community,â the nation. Workers were as respected as factory owners. And I liked that. I would have liked it even better if he had abolished factory owners. But I thought: âYou canât have everything you want,â and I was almost satisfied. Hitler also strengthened our self-confidence in foreign policy. He reintroduced compulsory military service and declared the Treaty of Versailles and the war debts invalid. Other countries remained silent about it. And so then he brought Austria and the Sudetenland âhome,â too. And we were happy about that. When he occupied Czechoslovakia, I became suspicious, because I thought: Why is he doing that? Surely they donât want to be with us! But I was sure there was a âvalidâ explanation for it. I have since forgotten what it was.
In 1934, my father sent me to secondary school in Chemnitz, since he said, âWhat you learn is yours to keep, no one can take it away!â
And I learned a lot, and forgot most of it, but I still remember some things today: The children of the rich were quite mediocre intellectually, and I asked my mother, âThe factory ownersâ children are so stupid. So the factory owners are stupid too. But how do they run their factories?â My mother said, âThatâs why they have managers.â
We had two Jewish girls in our class. One was very dark-haired and of the classic type, the other was blonde. The dark-haired one was good-natured and always cheerful, and I liked her very much. The other one was sometimes mean, hitting, biting, and scratching. Both were popular in class and were not discriminated against by the teachers. But antisemitic propaganda was already underway. Speakers and newspapers said: âLook at the Jews! They are strangers among us here, but they have the biggest businesses. They are lawyers and doctors. They occupy all the important positions. They want to rule everywhere. Rothschild[4] pays for everything. They want to rule the whole world, and we are to be their slaves. (I think it was something like that). Look at Russia! Stalin has a Jewish wife. The star of the Communists is the Jewish star. They secretly rule the Kremlin. They rule America and England, etc., etc.
They said this over and over again and did not spare us the atrocities that the Jews were said to have committed for religious reasons. The Jews were repeatedly portrayed as cowardly, deceitful, and greedy. We were constantly bombarded by this in the newspapers, speeches, films, and at school.
At first, we did not believe it, but gradually we grew soft. Most of us did not know any Jews. They mostly lived in big cities and kept to themselves. Many of us therefore had no better experience to counter the lies, and our own reason was not enough because we lacked a humanistic education. On the contrary, when a Jew appeared in old fairy tales, he was always portrayed as a usurer. The prejudices of the past confirmed the lies of the present, and we did not get to read what had been written in between that was fair and good. I remember thinking of Maria Warschauer every time I heard something bad about the Jews. (She was the dark-skinned Jewish girl in my class.) And every time I had my doubts, because one Jewish girl was good, and surely there were more. But the âFĂŒhrerâ could not lie about such an important matter. He had done so much for us. At most, he might be mistaken. But could the demigod be mistaken? Finally, I had a saving idea: âAs children, the Jews were still good. They only became bad later.â However, I was not so sure about this theory. We may have considered the Jews dangerous, perhaps somewhat inferior, but we didnât hate them, and we didnât feel the need to destroy them.
When Jewish shops were to be boycotted, many people continued buying from the Jews. I remember my father saying to my mother, âYou canât buy from Jews anymore. Party members are forbidden.â My mother didnât say a word. But then she said to me, âWhat Daddy doesnât know wonât hurt him.â She laughed and shopped wherever she wanted. She was more practical than philosophical.
In 1938, I got to school early one day. There was excitement in the classroom. The synagogue had been destroyed, and the windows of Jewish shops had been smashed. It was supposed to have been the angry people. But we were not angry. I do not think we were in favor of such barbarism. The two Jewish girls were not in class. People said they had emigrated to America. I thought that was sensible and felt somehow relieved. I hoped it was true!
Soon after, a half-Jewish girl from Berlin joined our class. She was very friendly, helpful, and smart. She sat next to me, and we hung out together during recess. Unfortunately, she never talked about her circumstances, and it never occurred to me that she might be suffering. Everyone was nice to her. One day, our teacher called us together, except for my neighbor, and said to us, âIt is unworthy for a German girl to sit next to a half-Jewish girl, and you can no longer go out with her during recess or talk to her in any way!â This teacher was a good person. We did not know what he thought. Maybe he believed what he was saying. (He was drafted soon after and killed in action.) It was very embarrassing for all of us because we did not know how to just ignore Anita, but we did not say a word. We were used to keeping quiet and obeying. Anita was moved to a different seat, far from me. We probably still talked to her when the teacher could not see us, and soon after, she disappeared from school. I was embarrassed by all this, I felt sorry for Anita, but it did not occur to me to apologize or offer her my help. Indeed, it did not even occur to me that she might need help. I was a stupid, inexperienced child, completely brainwashed by Hitler. Hitler always shouted, âYou must be tough!â And we became tough, against ourselves and against others. The degrees of toughness varied, however.Â
In conclusion, I would like to say: I do not know what each individual thought about the Jewish question. Some may have been fanatical. Perhaps they hated the Jews and wanted to destroy them. Others knew better. They were communists, Christians, humanists, or they knew Jews personally. But they remained silent or were imprisoned. The rest were clueless or indifferent, and did not know what was going on. The rest saw that the Jews were being pushed out of their good jobs and thought that the Jews would now earn their bread by doing other work. No one thought of concentration camps. The concentration camps were an invention of the British. Germans may have been strict, but they were fair, and never cruel.
What else did we think about the race issue? We hardly ever talked about it privately. My mother looked like a Georgian, I looked like a Jew. My father could pass as a German if need be. We saw for ourselves that we Germans, especially those of us in Saxony, were a big mix of races.
Since I did not look Nordic, I did not have Nordic leadership qualities either. I could not even bark, and I was terribly sorry about that. My trust in Hitler was incredible. When he ordered something I did not like, I always blamed myself. I am sure other young people felt the same way. We were all more or less drilled into shape. Older people were more critical. But no one could do anything against Hitlerâs regime. The SA, the SS, the party, and above all the secret service made sure of that. Everything was organized down to the smallest detail.
Â
1939-1945
We found no peace during the first six years of Hitlerâs regime. One order followed another. Young people had to report for duty twice a week, as did older people, in the evenings. Marching, singing, physical education, meetings, speechesâall in uniform. The mind was not cultivated as much.
It was the same in foreign policy: one event followed another. We often thought war was coming, but time and again the danger passed, until it finally exploded.
We began to pay off our debts. But we still did not understand it. Of course, it was all the fault of others. Our little neighbor Poland had first massacred the Germans in Bromberg[4] and then fired on us. It was in the newspaper, and a man in our building had heard it himself. Why should I not believe it? Then came France and the Balkans, and finally we marched almost to Moscow. And it was always the fault of others. Strangely enough, they were all against us. And that was the work of the worldwide Jewish conspiracy.
And then came the retreat. I believe our soldiers fought very bravely despite being so afraid of the Russians, who were supposedly terribly cruel. They would kill all the women and children if they came to Germany. The press did not spare us the horrors. Our people worked, fought, and died.
We thought we had to fight. We did what seemed necessary, but hardly felt any hatred. I believe we, as a people, are not prone to intense passion.
In 1942, I graduated from high school and was supposed to become a teacher, but I decided not to because: 1. I lacked the Nordic leadership qualities; and 2. I did not want to join the party.
In 1943, I worked in an oil refinery near Leipzig. Thirty different ethnic groups were gathered there. One morning, I saw a Slovak woman going to work wearing a headscarf, a wide skirt, and wooden clogs. There was snow on the ground (-2°), and she had her arms wrapped in her apron. But she was not wearing any stockings. She was quite strong, and I thought, âWhat strong people live in Slovakia! They donât even wear stockings in winter!â It did not occur to me that she might not have any.
Then I saw Russians in quilted jackets standing by the rubbish heap and wondered why they were there looking for something to eat, because they had round faces.
In the morning, as we drove to work, we passed a column of prisoners in black jackets and pants with gold stripes and wooden shoes. And we thought, âTheyâre criminals.â Who knows who they really were!
Around that time, I also heard on the radio that eighteen Jews had been shot. I was horrified. But then came the explanation: âThey had attacked the SS.â
I observed everything, but I always drew the wrong conclusions because I started from the wrong ideas. Only my uncle knew how things wereâthe same uncle who had voted for Hitler. He listened to Moscow and London on the radio. And one day he said to me, âHitler is a major criminal. Heâs building large concentration camps. Heâs locking up everyone who opposes him!â I got angry and said, âYouâre listening to enemy radio stations. Of course theyâre badmouthing us, and you believe their nonsense!â For a moment, the thought flashed through my mind: Heâs an enemy of the people, we should report him! But then I said to him, âDonât talk so loudly on the street!â He, too, knew nothing about the Jews in the concentration camps (1941).
From 1943 to 1945, I worked as a technical draftswoman in an engine factory in the Ore Mountains. We had a wonderful boss. He was forty-eight years old and our best friend. He was also very capable and had traveled extensively throughout Germany. He often talked to us and also to the two Frenchmen who worked with us. He had been a member of the party since 1937 and had received an award, which he wore for two days. Out of politeness.
One day he came over to my drawing board, and somehow the conversation turned to the Jewish question. He said, âWhat do you think about that?â I shrugged my shoulders. He continued, âThere used to be two silk factories in Krefeld, one German and one Jewish. The Jewish one did better work than the German one.â I stared at him in horror and exclaimed, âYou donât mean to say…?â Now he shrugged his shoulders, smiled, and walked away, leaving me to my thoughts.
That was in 1944 already. Things were going downhill quickly for us, and I was no longer in the mood for philosophizing.
A little later, he asked me, âHave you been to the aluminum building?â âNo,â I replied, âI have no business there.â âYou should go over there. Some Jewish women have arrived. They donât look well.â I thought my boss had gone crazy. Was I supposed to gawk at people like wild animals? I thought, âWhatever crimes the Jewish women may have committed, I canât do that to them.â For the first time ever, I was angry with my boss and remained silent. I almost want to say, âLuckily!â
Later I heard that not everyone in Germany knew as little about the Jews as I did. The communists knew, but they could not say anything. Some Christians also sided with the Jews. Some of them even believed Hitler and our people would be punished for persecuting the chosen people. Of course, everyone who had Jewish friends was horrified, but even they did not know exactly what was happening to the Jews.
Â
Afterwards:
The war was over. Dresden was completely destroyed, as was almost all of Chemnitz and the other cities in Saxony, more or less. 75% of all young men in Germany were already dead or were dying in camps.
Our town was occupied on May 7, 1945. That was the first day of the armistice. The Americans were 15 km west of us. But we were occupied by the Soviet army. We were very afraid, but they didnât kill us. On the contrary, the Russian soldiers, who soon came to our apartment one after the other to live with us, were all good to us. You cannot imagine how I felt. One of them was particularly kind. His name was Mikhail Chukin, he was twenty-eight years old and had many medals. He had been a partisan. He did not smoke or drink. He just studied German all the time. He was calm and friendly. He had a six-year-old daughter. His wife had been killed by German bombs. He did not tell us this himself, but his comrade did. I think he was one of the best people I have ever met, and I felt very ashamed. And I vowed never again to think badly of people I do not know, never again to consider an entire people cruel, but to look at each person individually.
Of course, I immediately asked myself, âWhat about the Jews?â I soon heard about Auschwitz and the other concentration camps, but I didnât believe a word of it. I thought: we lost the war, all my friends are dead, killed for no reason, but the other governments wanted the war, not us, and now theyâre blaming us for everything they themselves did. We canât defend ourselves. I was very sad about our defeat and all its consequences for us.
And then I actually became a teacher. Our engine factory was no longer in business; my father had been expelled from the school system because he was in the Nazi party, and we had no money left. In the spring of 1946, I was sent to a training course and there, I do not know why, I realized that Auschwitz was a reality, and my despair was great, and I cannot say that this feeling has lessened over time. At first I heard general things, but over time, especially through your book, I learned more details. I heard from a woman who was in Auschwitz, though a Christian, details that surpassed all imagination. I would like to say that your book and the menâs suffering are small compared to what mothers experienced in Auschwitz. But here, too, it was the same principle: women and children were killed in a factory-like manner, without hatredâon orders. When an acquaintance of mine asked one such child murderer, âHow can you do it?â he replied, âNot sober. I always have to drink first.â
I did not know all that, but I did know that Jews were being discriminated against. I should not have let myself get caught up in Hitlerâs insane ideas. After all, I had been brought up well and sensibly, and I had even been a devout Christian for several years until I was completely swept up by the tide of the majority.
And yet, somehow, my blindness was fortunate. For how would I have felt if I had understood and seen through everything?[5]
I also believe it was fortunate that Germany was divided after the war, as painful as that may be for some of us. If we had become an independent state, as we did after the First World War, who knows whether we might have started fighting again for some imagined âancestralâ rights. As it is, we have become a little more cosmopolitan and understanding. It was a slow and sometimes painful process, but I believe we are still increasingly[6] breaking away from old-fashioned nationalism. Young people know nothing about it anymore. Racialized fanaticism is completely unknown to our young people here.
People can be trained to do many things. Sometimes even to do good. Let us continue to hope for the best in this regard.
I also hope that you have received my last three letters, and that you will be able to understand them in terms of content and language, although I am not entirely sure about the latter.
I have also just realized that I did not mention the Kapo, or the women in the lab, or Dr. Pannwitz. Indeed, why not? Surely some of the Kapos were very stupid and knew it too, and were happy that you were still below them in society and that they were now the big shots? And the women? Perhaps they thought they were criminals? Or were they afraid of being punished if they were nice to you? And Dr. Pannwitz?[7] There are empty-headed people who are also clever.
One would have thought that your miserable appearance would have touched everyoneâs hearts, but perhaps over time one becomes numb to it or no longer perceives such wretched figures as human beings? Moreover, many people tend to be arrogant, not only towards Jews. Our entire military system was actually built on this arrogance, and has been for centuries. Besides, it is hard to consider someone intelligent when one cannot really talk to them.âIncidentally, another mystery strikes me: how is it you know how to say âsulfuric acid,â âair pressure,â and âshortwave transmitterâ in German?[8]
Info
Notes
Tag
Sender: Renate Windisch-Martin
Addressee: Primo Levi
Date of Drafting: 1972-02-23
Place of Writing: Flöha
Description:handwritten letter in blue ballpoint pen on white paper, with marks handwritten by Levi in black ballpoint pen (mm.210x148).
Archive: Archivio privato di Primo Levi, Turin
Series: Complesso di fondi Primo Levi, Fondo Primo Levi, Corrispondenza, Corrispondenti particolari, Fasc.020, sottofasc. 001, doc. 066, ff. 186r/v, 187r/v, 188r/v, 189r/v, 190r/v, 191r/v, 192r/v.
Folio: 7, front and back
DOI:
1As can be deduced from the date, Martin began to write this account before February 23, 1972, the date she sent the letter to Levi.
2The Hitler Youth Law [Gesetz ĂŒber die Hitlerjugend] of December 1, 1936 made membership in the Hitler Youth mandatory for all young Germans between 10 and 18 years of age; from that moment on, it was the only legal form of youth organization. For girls between 10 and 14, the group was known as the Young Girlsâ League [JungmĂ€delbund] and from 14 to 18 years of age, the League of German Girls [Bund Deutscher MĂ€del].
3The concept of Volksgemeinschaft (peopleâs community), an ideological cornerstone of Nazism, was founded on strictly racial assumptions.Â
4The reference is to an episode that occurred the day after Germany invaded Poland. According to Christopher Browningâs reconstruction, in early September 1939, the Polish city of Bydgoszcz (Bromberg in German) was the theatre of a massacre of Volksdeutsche, members of the civilian population of ethnic Germans who lived in that area. However, immediately following the invasion, many of these Volksdeutsche spontaneously formed auxiliary military units supporting the troops of the Reich. The episode remains controversial, to the point that the exact number of victims has never been ascertained (in part because the episode was exploited by Nazi propaganda): what is certain is that several thousand people were killed. Cf. C.R. Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004, in particular pp. 17-33.
5The reference is to the so-called âBloody Sundayâ - as it was dubbed by Nazi propaganda - of Bromberg: the feeble reaction of the Polish people during the German invasion of September 1939.
6âmehrâ is added with an insertion mark.
7The reference is to a few âcharactersâ Levi talks about in the chapter âChemistry Examinationâ in If This Is a Man. The references to Kapo Alex and Doctor Pannwitz also return in other correspondence, cf. Letter 148 Enclosure; Letter 167 no. 1. Â Â
8Most likely, Martin did not know that Levi was a chemist and most certainly he was unaware that, during his studies, Levi used German textbooks, including the Gattermann, a famous organic chemistry manual (cf. in particular CW I, p. 102). Heinz Riedt, the German translator of If This Is a Man, turned to Levi for the German translations of most of the chemical terms used in the book (and later in Natural Histories), including âdielectrical constantsâ (Primo Levi, Il carteggio con Heinz Riedt, cit., p. 18 and p. 349).